Here Comes Everybody? Don’t Bet on It

According to an old aphorism, a little anti-Semitism is good for Jews. Since the Obama administration announced the guidelines for its Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, a new consensus has emerged that a little anti-Catholicism is good for Catholics. On its blog, the USCCB proudly declares “a true ‘here comes everybody’ moment,” and dsplays the growing list of Catholic commentators who have condemned the president.

Everybody — or at least everybody who’s part of everybody — seems awfully eager to point out that this new consensus is non-partisan, or at least bi-partisan. Some commentators are all but predicting an end to partisanship, period. With evident surprise, the Bishops’ Conference blog reports, “National Catholic Reporter has even excoriated the administration over [HHS conscience exemption rules] and has said some supportive things about the bishops.”

In a way, I guess, this is remarkable. Some NCR columnists, like Eugene Cullen Kennedy and Fr. Richard McBrien, come down on bishops so routinely, you’d think they’ve smashed their chess sets and storm out of the room whenever the original Oceans 11 comes on TV. But anyone who thinks everyone is going to remain in formation for long is in for a rude awakening.

Reading through the various protests against the administration’s policy, you’ll notice drastic tonal differences. Fr. John Jenkins, CSC, the Notre Dame rector who braved flack for bestowing an honorary doctorate on Obama, confesses feeling “deeply disappointed,” and calls for “a national dialogue among religious groups, government and the American people to reaffirm our country’s historic respect for freedom of conscience and defense of religious liberty.” Compare that to the Passionate Papist’s prediction: “I think it is quite possible that Catholics in this country will one day be arrested for simply proclaiming the teachings of the Church.” To some Catholics, this is a regrettable overreach that can be resolved with some common sense; to others, it’s the beginning of the end of civilization as we know it.

Suggesting that these differences follow party lines would be premature, since I don’t know which party, if any, the Passionate Papist belongs to. Still, ours is a two-party system, and this is an election year. Barring an abrupt reversal on Obama’s part, freedom of conscience, as observers are now calling the issue at stake, would tend to favor his Republican challenger. NCR’s Michael Sean Winters sees the elephant in the room with perfect clarity. Even while announcing he can’t “in good conscience, ever vote for Mr. Obama again,” he disavows any intention to “go rushing into the arms of a waiting GOP.”

Winters never says exactly what he plans to do with his vote. For all we know, he may stay out of the booth altogether. Though I admire his integrity, the times seem not to favor it. If Obama’s narrow conscience exemptions look radical, the Right is pushing just as hard in the opposite direction. Republican hopeful Rick Santorum and former opponent Michele Bachmann both signed The Marriage Vow: A Declaration of Dependence on Marriage and Family. Items in the declaration include: “Support for prompt reform of uneconomic, anti-marriage aspects of welfare policy, tax policy, and marital/divorce law”; and “Humane protection of women and the innocent fruit of conjugal intimacy…from human trafficking, sexual slavery, seduction into promiscuity…and other types of coercion or stolen innocence.” The language is as ominous as it is vague — when did “innocence,” in the sense of “sexual inexperience,” become part of our legal vocabulary?

Granted, Mitt Romney, the current Republican front-runner, pointedly refused to sign the document. (His spokeswoman called it “inappropriate” and “undignified.”) But the voters who supported those who did will make up a sizable part of his constituency. In the meantime, Romney’s heaving hard a-starboard on other fronts. Last Tuesday night, he told Soledad O’Brien, “I’m not concerned about the very poor.” Though Romney did concede, “It’s not good to be poor,” and promised, “if [the safety net] has holes in it, I will repair them,” he insisted, “My focus is on middle-income Americans.” Even the Weekly Standard called his remarks “stunningly stupid.”

The Weekly Standard may be a little hard on Romney. Over the past few decades, the political climate has grown increasingly hostile toward any sign of moderation. James Thurber, director of the Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies at American University, reports that the percentage of lawmakers who qualify as “centrist” has fallen from “around 30″ in the 1970s to between 5 and 8 today. According to Mickey Edwards, a Republican representative from Oklahoma, re-districting and the 24-hour news cycle have created an environment where “It’s a lot harder to compromise … and compromise is seen as a bad thing to do.” When you’re competing in that kind of market, disavowing concern for the very poor represents nothing but good sense.

So far left versus far right is no longer a false dilemma; it’s a very real dilemma. Though the dismay among Catholics over the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act may seem universal now, I have a hard time believing it’ll last till election day, or even until the Republican National Convention. It helps that those of us loath to pledge support to the GOP, whatever the reason, have an out in the Supreme Court. In National Review Online, Ed Whelan points out HHS’s regulations are incompatible with the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. Thanks to good old-fashioned checks and balances, the creeping totalitarianism everyone’s seeing can creep only so far. Obama might still qualify as the lesser of two evils.

If two viable choices continue to exist come November, so much the better for the Church. The whole notion of “here comes everybody” is overrated, anyway. I’m more inclined to agree with Patton that if everybody’s thinking alike, then somebody’s not thinking.

Why All My Facebook Friends Are Right-Wingers

In an essay for Salon’s “Life Stories” section, Kim Brooks asks: “Is my Facebook page a liberal echo chamber?” Her answer: yes. She made this discovery after friending an old high-school chum, a marching band veteran she remembers as pleasant and quiet — never the type to affix cattle horns to the hood of his car.

Then the new friend let slip his mask. After President Obama delivered a televised speech, the harmless geek changed his status to read: “Just turned off the t.v. More lies from B. Hussein Obama.” Worse was yet to come. Brooks writes:

Within a few minutes, 10 people had “liked” this comment. Within a few more minutes, others had begun to add comments of their own, nearly all of which made reference to the president’s skin color, “questionable” national origin, or socialist death-panel agenda. I nearly fell out of my chair. My heart was racing. I squinted at the screen. I read the comments again and again. This was the real deal, not on Fox News but right here on MY computer, on MY Facebook page. I’d invited it in, that horrible place I’d left the day I graduated from high school. I looked down at my keyboard and saw that my hands were shaking. I decided to add a comment of my own: “Don’t like! Boy, am I glad I don’t live in Richmond anymore. You are un-friended!”

This triggered in Brooks a round of furious soul-searching. “Have I actually constructed an enclave of liberal, secular, urban-dwelling, like-minded 30-somethings so sealed off from the rest of the world that a tiny breach in the form of a Facebook post could so thoroughly floor me?”

I’m not here to pick on Brooks. People who construct Park Slopes of the mind make easy targets, and I consider myself a sporting man. Besides, I’m no one to point fingers. My personal bubble is even weirder than hers. Though a decent, right-thinking liberal of the sort that Brooks would be proud to friend, I’ve built my virtual nest among right-wingers.

Seriously. My most loyal readers include a sedevacantist, a co-operator in Opus Dei, and an instructor at the most self-consciously orthodox Catholic university in America. (Forget single-sex dorms; CU would have to launch single-sex degree programs to match this joint.) They fit in just dandy with my Facebook friends, who post photos of troops on patrol in Afghanistan, captioned: “TOO BUSY TO OCCUPY WALL STREET.”

All I need are a French legitimist, a Spanish Carlist, a Belgian Rexist and a member of the Vlaams Belang to make up a boxed set. No accounting for taste, you say? Well, maybe there is. Offhand, I can think of three reasons:

Right-wingers take a rosy view of the past. Those on the right agree with Edmund Burke that anyone who refuses to borrow from “the general bank and capital of nations and of ages” is asking for trouble. On exactly which ages and nations are offering the lowest interest rates they may disagree; the age of the Founding Fathers, the Middle Ages and the 1950s are engaged in a tight race here. But the basic conviction remains that someone, somewhere, had it just right.

In these bleak times, it feels necessary to get happy about something, and the future ain’t it. Period movies have always been my opiate, and those that celebrate the British Empire have always had the highest street value. With a friends list full of nostalgists, I can post clips from Zulu without being reminded of the General Pass Regulations Bill; from That Hamilton Woman without having to express regret for how Nelson helped the Bourbons overthrow the progressive Parthenopean Republic; from Elizabeth and Essex without remarking that the Irish who disgraced Essex were, after all, the good guys. If I give up those films, how long will it be before I have to renounce my all-meat diet?

Right-wingers love men — and women — on horseback. Burke predicted gloomily — and, as it turned out, correctly — that a “popular general” would co-opt the French Revolution to serve his own purposes. When Barack Obama first told crowds, “We are the ones we have been waiting for, “ critics on the Right echoed his fears about personality-driven leadership. Yet when it comes to leaders who promise to restore their own values, Righties sound more like Thomas Carlyle, who praised “heroes,” including Napoleon, as the real drivers of history. It was Reagan’s revolution and Sarah Palin’s Alaska. Current GOP front-runner Herman Cain has titled his memoir not Dreams from My Father, The Audacity of Hope, or even Profiles in Courage, but…This is Herman Cain.

Last week, Cain became only the latest of several Republican hopefuls to distinguish himself by making statements that sounded, well, completely off the wall. He proposed, among other things, that America protect its borders with an electrified fence. Compare that with Michele Bachmann’s anecdote from an unidentified supporter who claimed an HPV vaccination had left her daughter “mentally retarded.” Both candidates distanced themselves from these remarks, and were probably smart to do so. But I doubt either would have spoken so glibly in the first place, had a smaller share of the base believed that a heroic nature, not policy expertise, will regenerate America.

Last May, when NRO’s Jonah Goldberg criticized Cain’s for misunderstanding the Palestinian “right of return” issue, his readers defended their candidate as “a man of honor, integrity, and moral character”; chided Goldberg by asking, “You’ve never had an off day?”; or strangest of all, praised Cain’s confusion as a sign of integrity: “Herman Cain will take anyone on and not pretend he knows all the answers. He doesn’t hide – he confronts.”

This generosity corresponds to Carlyle’s “valetism” — the idea that, since no man is a hero to his valet, the public shouldn’t nitpick its own heroes to death. Seen in action, it can look quite touching. During the three years in which Sarah Palin looked like a serious contender for the White House, a friend reminded me constantly: “Max, you need to stop seeing Sarah with her head, and start seeing her with your heart.” If ever I end up on trial for my life, I hope everyone on the jury subscribes to World Net Daily.

The Right Welcomes the Great Unfulfilled. Lately, Wall Street’s Masters of the Universe have been taking it hard on the chin, and mainly from the Left. But this trend is too new for me to wrap my mind around entirely. On the contrary, I’ve heard the term “liberal elite” hawked so ruthlessly this past decade or so that part of me has started to believe that being a liberal, like bullying a customer-service rep, is something only a haut-bourgeois can do really well. There’s some objective evidence to support this: the states that consistently vote Democrat are the kinds of places where I can’t afford, and don’t deserve, to live. Seventy-two percent of college professors — of the type I never succeeded in becoming — identify themselves as liberal. In the Ivy Leagues, of which my only direct experience is a brief stroll around Harvard Yard (on the arm of a rugged Irish Bostonienne), that percentage jumps to 87%.

It’s not that I hate these people, as Kelly LeBrock used to say, for being beautiful. But I can’t hang, and the cultural disconnect is about as hard to ignore as an bloating corpse. Not long ago, my mother e-mailed me a gushing review of a lesbian wedding she’d attended. Both ceremony and reception took place at a 19th-century farmhouse in a Vermontlike section of Upstate New York. Exactly how the brides earned their living I forget. I wouldn’t swear that one was a doctor, the other a potter, or that both performed surgery and made pots out of the same home office, but somehow that was the impression I got.

It occurred to me that all the lesbians I know work at Lowe’s. If Arizona ever grants them the right to marry, they’ll probably mark their nuptials with Dominos, Pringles and pony kegs. If that was all same-sex marriage had to offer me, I wondered, why bother?

I didn’t actually go on Facebook and post that lesbians aren’t for marrying, they’re for putting on video to raise the morale of the troops overseas. But I took comfort in knowing that, if I had — throwing in a winking semicolon as a disclaimer — a few people would have liked it. No bitter schlump should have to be an island, entire of himself.

Why No Catholic Dominionists?

Ever since Jonah Goldberg pegged us for the fascists we are, we liberals have needed a new rhetorical cudgel. And we may have found one — Dominionist. Essentially, it refers to an evangelical Protestant who believes that God’s law — that is, Old Testament law — should be the law of the land, and that the task of enforcing it, along with the attendant privileges, should fall exclusively to evangelical Protestants.

Ever since Michele Bachmann surged into the front rank of GOP contenders, she has been forced to contend with the label. It could undo her. As Christopher Hitchens points out, Rick Perry, for al his godly bluster, can at times look like a pragmatist, whereas “[Bachmann's] religious positions are so weird, and so weirdly held, that they have already made her look like a crackpot.” Hitchens doesn’t actually drop the D-bomb, but it would seem to represent the sum of his thoughts.

This may be, like so much in politics, unjust. In Patheos, Douglas Groothius makes a good case that Bachmann’s no big-D Dominionist, just a very religious person who’s very conservative. Francis Schaeffer, the theologian she admires most, denounced the imposition of biblical law as “insanity,” and categorically rejected violence. He had so little regard for the thinking of Rousas John Rushdoony, who first articulated the notion of a biblically governed society, that “The name ‘Rushdoony’ does not even appear in the index of Schaeffer’s five-volume collected works.”

Groothius seems very knowledgeable about such things, so I’ll take his word and add, parenthetically, “Whew!” But in a way, whether Bachmann’s a Dominionist or a reconstructionist (the term Rushdoony himself preferred) is beside the point. These are not normal times. With a number of states legalizing gay marriage, and the White House putting an end to the military’s Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell policy, people of faith are feeling pushed. Now that the free-falling economy has put the nation in an apocalyptic mood, they are feeling emboldened to push back harder on more fronts than ever before. Sarah Palin, whom many took for a wingnut, felt obliged to tell reporters that certain people in her family supported civil unions for gay couples; Bachmann goes the full monty in the other direction and preaches that homosexuality is a choice. Even if she does, finally, prove too zealous for the nation, it’s amazing she’s come as far as she has.

And this leaves me wondering: whither Catholics of the Right? Do they have their own Schaeffer — a political philosopher with a plan to remake society in a distinctly Catholic image? I really am too recently arrived on the block to know. These days, they’d be missing the wave not to have one. At the same time, I can see why they’d face more obstacles than their opposite numbers in the Protestant camp.

From Joseph de Maistre to Frederick Wilhelmsen, that team’s fielded some impressive talent. Unfortunately, much of what they thought was distinctly, irredeemably European. Most of them supported some throne-and-altar formula that would look as strange to Americans as rule by Leviticus. Many expressed a near-mystical attachment to the particularities of one European society or another. Wilhelmsen and L. Brent Bozell, Jr. admired Spain. Chesterton was all for Merrye England. Charles Maurras saw France as the heir to ancient Greek rationality, and once referred to the marble Athlete of Polycetus as “a youth of our blood.” I do not envy the person charged with selling that in Middle America.

There aren’t too many success stories to stick in the prospectus. Franco did not repress his people on anything like the Soviet scale, but he’ll never be remembered as a champion of human rights. His reign didn’t exactly usher in any flowering of arts or letters, either. If Ava Gardner hadn’t dated that bullfighter, the whole country might have fallen off the map, culturally speaking.

Then there’s the uncomfortable fact that, during World War Two, many Catholic political personalities, to be tactful about it, chose their friends badly. Leon Degrelle, founder of Belgium’s Rexist party, served in the Waffen SS. Charles Maurras, though never a great fan of the Germans, supported Petain’s Vichy government. Even today, he’s impossible to cite without a disclaimer.

And yet this feels like one of those moments where all options are on the table. That Michael Voris has made a name (and, I’m guessing, somewhat of a fortune) for himself promoting a kind of pop integral nationalism would be remarkable under any circumstances. That he’s pitching it to people who, by and large, are terrified of big government may be the most relevant detail of all. The notion of a dictatorship of relativism may have taken hold so deeply in the Catholic imagination that it’s started to feel like a literal dictatorship. Once you’ve convinced yourself you’re already being tyrannized, why not go to your own extremes? Fair’s fair.

I seem to remember an old Chinese curse that goes, “May you live in interesting times.” Frankly, if these times were any more interesting, I’d be afraid to get out of bed.