Return of the Know-Nothings?

anticatholicscotusSometimes readers wonder why we look at mainstream media coverage of abortion. A few have suggested it’s not a religious issue. Yet many religion reporters routinely cover both the pro-life and pro-choice movements and cover abortion regularly. Well, the losing side of the recent Supreme Court decision upholding the federal Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act has been noticing religion. Readers have sent along various anti-Roman Catholic opinion pieces — most notably The Philadelphia Inquirer‘s cartoon and Rosie O’Donnell’s screed on The View. But we don’t care whether editorial writers or pundits have opinions on religious issues. That’s just what makes for an exciting editorial page. Although even Rosie O’Donnell’s crazy conspiracy theories don’t salvage The View, do they?

But it’s worth noting a few mainstream media dips into this story pool. Robin Toney is a news analyst for The New York Times. Or at least I think she is. She used to be a regular reporter. Anyway, she wrote a column for the Times — which I see is also being published as a news story in the International Herald Tribune — about how all five of the justices who upheld the federal law are Roman Catholics. I feel this is a good time to mention that I tried to convince friends that Chief Justice William Rehnquist should be replaced by a Lutheran since he was Lutheran. Nobody seemed convinced.

Anyway, Toney says that Catholics typically held only one or two seats on the Supreme Court and this is the first time they hold a majority of seats (because they stole one from us Lutherans!). She says that during the confirmation hearings for Justice Alito and Roberts, their religion became a proxy way to assess how they would rule on contentious issues. But she provides another perspective:

Some legal scholars say the Roman Catholicism of the five justices, in and of itself, means less than their conservatism. Yes, the church hierarchy denounces legalized abortion, but many Roman Catholics in government, over the years, have drawn a bright line between their private beliefs and their public duties (memorably, John F. Kennedy seeking the presidency in 1960 and Mario Cuomo in his campaign for governor of New York in 1982).

Scholars also note that Justice William Brennan, who was carefully appointed to the “Catholic seat” by President Dwight Eisenhower, turned out to be one of the key supporters of the constitutional right to abortion.

“There can be no greater proponent of a pro-choice vision of the 14th Amendment than William Brennan,” said David Yalof, an associate professor of political science at the University of Connecticut and a scholar of the judicial selection process.

Religion in the public square has a complicated and subtle role, she concludes.

ABC News legal correspondent Jan Crawford Greenburg also weighed in on the topic at her Legalities blog. She covers the Supreme Court, is a graduate of the University of Chicago’s law school and is a member of the New York bar.

She notes that the federal law was passed into law by a broad bipartisan congressional coalition, including 17 Senate Democrats and 47 Senate Repubicans. She doesn’t think they’re all Catholic. She also notes that 30 state legislatures voted for similar laws. Ditto on their lack of religious unanimity. She derides the “growing anti-Catholic backlash” and particularly criticizes Geoffrey Stone, former law school dean and provost at her alma mater:

“Ultimately, the five justices in the majority all fell back on a common argument to justify their position. There is, they say, a compelling moral reason for the result in Gonzales,” Stone writes. “By making this judgment, these justices have failed to respect the fundamental difference between religious belief and morality.”

Geoff Stone (and Rosie and the cartoonist for the Philadelphia Inquirer who illustrated similar thoughts last week) is saying that the five justices voted to uphold the law only because of their religious beliefs. It’s only because they are Catholic–Stone, Rosie, et al, argue–that they could possibly interpret the Constitution to allow a federal law Congress passed with broad, bipartisan support. It’s only because the five are Catholic, Stone and Rosie argue, that they could possibly vote to uphold a law that banned an abortion procedure Congress found to be “gruesome” and “inhumane.”

No, the five couldn’t possibly have legal views that that the Constitution doesn’t protect the right to a partial birth abortion.

Here’s a different way of thinking about it: The five justices took a more restrained approach to the law than their colleagues and declined to substitute their own policy preferences for the will of the people.

As Crawford Greenburg points out in another recent post, the conspiracy theory fails to explain much when it comes to Justice Kennedy:

He’d gone along with O’Connor and David Souter in Planned Parenthood of Pennsylvania v. Casey in 1992, when the three joined forces and refused to overturn Roe v. Wade.

In Casey, Kennedy initially had cast his vote with Chief Justice William Rehnquist, who’d written an opinion that would have overturned Roe. At the last minute, he changed his mind and teamed up with O’Connor and Souter, providing the critical fifth vote that instead saved Roe.

Maybe Kennedy wasn’t Catholic in 1992. Anyway, I think that the religious views of justices and politicians and anyone else who makes decisions is more than fair game for reporters. They just need to do a good job of understanding religious motivations and seeing when they matter and when they don’t.

What do you think? What are the appropriate boundaries for discussing the religious views of decision makers? How do reporters investigate religious views? When does it smack of religious bigotry?

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  • http://www.geocities.com/hohjohn John L. Hoh, Jr.

    It often appears that the rule of thumb on reporting religious beliefs of public figures follows this template. If a conservative follows conservative principles, then the media whines about religious bias. But if a liberal espouses liberal values–and does so on the basis of their religion–then that is a day for rejoicing.

    I find it interesting that the Supreme Court is now the lighening rod for contentious decisions–Gore v. Bush in 2000, the cases involving abortion, perhaps some cases that could decide boundaries of McCain/Feingold.

  • Dennis Colby

    I think it’s fine for journalists to discuss the religious beliefs of Supreme Court justices, so long as they understand it’s a tactic that will invariably produce more heat than light. It should also be a nuanced discussion: Scalia is apparently a Catholic first when it comes to abortion (so we’re led to believe), but what about his stance on the death penalty?

    Not only does he think the Catholic Church is wrong about the death penalty, but he thinks Catholic judges who follow their church’s teaching on the subject should resign:
    http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2002/02/04/scalia.htm

    So let’s discuss religion, fine; but let’s not reduce ourselves to a pointless round of name-calling that ignores the subtlety and nuance of these judges’ religious views.

  • http://www.passionworshipcenter.com Chris Bassett

    Perhaps we as the “religious” ought to begin speaking of our “Christian ideologies,” or our “Jewish ideologies,” instead of our “religious perspectives.” Ideology drives personal decision-making. Kennedy and Cuomo may have “been Catholic,” but can you claim to be a person of an ideological bent and yet go against your personal inclinations on a matter? Do we vote for leaders who won’t follow their most deeply held convictions? Do we want leaders who won’t? No, Kennedy and Cuomo followed their deeply held convictions in supporting abortion – despite what they claimed as their religious perspective. They, and those who are for such a greusome procedure as Partial Birth Abortion, are clearly acting on their own, personal ideologies, every bit as much as a Christian might on theirs. Legal precedence is transitory. Religious convictions are not. The beauty of our Constitution is that religious ideologies can rescue law from materialistic ideologies, thereby restoring morality previously given over to hedonism.

  • http://www.getreligion.org Mollie

    I think this might be a theory vs. practice type issue. In theory, I see no reason why one’s religious views should be off the table for almost any journalistic inquiry. In fact, I’m really curious about just that question.

    In practice, reporters have not inspired much confidence in this arena.

    I also sort of think that everyone has religious views — only some people realize they do. In that sense, some of these inquiries are biased in that they assume religious motivation for, say, the five Catholic SCOTUS justices while neglecting to look into whether there’s a shared religious angle among other decision makers on the other legal side of the issue.

  • Martha

    I’d like to see the reporter prove that there was absolutely, no way no how, not in the least probable, completely insane nuts decision, legal opinion on this upholding of the ban *before* revealing her super mind-reading powers that enabled her to psychically spy upon them (or her mad tech skillz that enabled her to hack into the secret Vatican radio signals beamed to the Opus Dei earpieces instructing the judges to vote the way they did.)

    If they only voted this way because they were Catholic, then I expect the next startling installment in this thrilling saga to reveal how every single member of Congress who proposed and voted for this law secretly converted to Catholicism the night before and received their sealed orders from the Pope on what to do and how to do it.

    What next? Stories on how a judge who ruled for a Big Business defendant against an ordinary joe plaintiff only did so because s/he was Jewish? Sniffing out any Jehovah’s Witnesses on the bench before cases involving doctors or hospitals? Saying “Y’know, Judge Jones kinda looks Mormon to me – can we really trust him to be impartial and not be under instructions from a secretive cabal of Elders in Utah?” Unbelievable.

  • http://www.getreligion.org Mollie

    If they only voted this way because they were Catholic, then I expect the next startling installment in this thrilling saga to reveal how every single member of Congress who proposed and voted for this law secretly converted to Catholicism the night before and received their sealed orders from the Pope on what to do and how to do it.

    I think that’s what’s silly about most coverage. It’s reduced to this very basic “if X, then Y” type analysis where you plug in the religion and get the automatic output. But life is more complicated than that.

    Still, the proper response to that silliness is not to ignore religious influences or motivation, is it? Isn’t it to better understand them? There’s no religious test for office — but that doesn’t mean that religion necessarily has no influence on one’s thinking. Even a lack of religious influence on one’s thinking — if that could ever be construed as existing — is quite important to consider for offices dealing with morality and life and death issues.

    But how do you handle it if you’re a reporter? This story gives us a good real-life example of when it may be worth to explore these issues. Such as whether Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s religion — or that of any other justice — had something to do with her legal reasoning.

  • Brian

    Sigh. Dennis, you’re just plain wrong in implying that the Church has identical positions in opposition to abortion and capital punishment.

    When it is implied (and when exactly something becomes “implied” can admittedly sometimes be a bit hazy) that the religious beliefs of someone impact their fitness for government office, then a pretty serious line has been crossed. For example, when Chuck Schumer said that he was opposed to Alito (or was it Roberts?) because of his “deeply held beliefs” even though he could cite nothing inappropriate from his time as a judge to suggest any problem, it was clear to many that he was saying “I don’t trust you because you’re a Catholic” (actually, because he thought he was a “conservative” Catholic). Perhaps some people might claim that “deeply held beliefs” meant something COMPLETELY different from his religion, but I’ve never seem any plausible alternative explanation.

    It’s clearly acceptable to raise the question of how religion would impact the political chances of a candidate, because it will invariably do so, as will gender, age, sexual orientation, etc., in all sorts of ways. We should be wary of people who “raise the issue” in cynical attempts to harm a candidate, but as a political question, it’s not completely out-of-bounds. However, this is not the same as saying that someone isn’t unfit for office–it’s saying (speculating?) that someone isn’t electable.

    However, much of the rhetoric since the Supreme Court decision has indisputably come down to “There are too many Catholics on the Court” and that’s bigotry. Pure and simple.

  • Dennis Colby

    Brian,

    Follow the link. Read the story. Scalia explicitly says he disagrees with the Church’s position on capital punishment. Nowhere do I say the Catholic Church has “identical” positions on capital punishment and abortion. However, the church does have positions on both issues.

  • Brian

    Dennis: Ah, note that I said that you implied the positions were the same. And I think you did, because otherwise your point that he agrees with the Church on abortion (a position which the Church teaches cannot be dissented from in good faith, or some such phrasing) but not on capital punishment (which the Church does not so claim) and that this somehow is self-contradictory doesn’t make any sense.

    As for his comments on how Catholic judges should operate in American society, I’m fairly certain that his opinions are no more binding or meaningful than those of Kerry, Giuliani, Cuomo, Schwarzenegger, etc.

  • Deacon John M. Bresnahan

    It is a delicate line to follow in order to not descend into religious bigotry on this issue. On one extremely liberal, pro-abortion (sorry, I can’t bring myself to say pro-choice since how much choice does the baby or the baby’s father have)internet site there was a long article and many strong, powerful liberal FAIR comments against the decision–and only one passing reference to religion. On another liberal site their coverage was a two page derogatory harangue on the religion of the 5 deciding justices. On a third liberal site, the opening comment brought up the old canard about Catholics following marching orders from Rome. Since I know from U.S. History this is the classic imagery of Catholics used by the Know-Nothing and KKK bigots, I found it extremely upsetting and let those sites know it and the history of that imagery. And they got upset that anyone would even think they might have a bigoted bone in their bodies. I don’t know whether their determined defense of this imagery was a result of their own bigotry (it seemed so since I repeatedly pointed out the history of the phrase and their strongest response was that I was in cahoots with right-wing whackos and wingnuts) or a willful, determined ignorance of American History.
    But all 9 justices made their decisions based on their judicial philosophies, philosophies that may have been chosen because of their religious or activist roots, but so what? They all were following all-American, historically rooted philosophies. Thus bringing up the religions of any in the heat following a controversial decision should be avoided lest bigotry be stirred up(and I hope every fair minded person would be against that). Unfortunately however, some sites and publications give clear evidence of wanting to use the religion of the majority 5 in order to delegitimize their decision and try to win a victory through the “back door” in an issue where 70% of the people in most polls (Catholics are only 20-25% of population) have been against partial-birth abortion.

  • Dennis Colby

    Brian,

    As I’m sure you’re aware, the Catholic Church’s teaching on capital punishment in the United States is fairly unambiguous. The U.S. bishops are certainly fairly clear:
    http://www.usccb.org/sdwp/national/deathpenalty/index.shtml

    That’s why, for example, Denver Archbishop Charles Chaput has criticized Scalia’s stance on capital punishment, comparing the Supreme Court justice to Catholics for a Free Choice President Francis Kissling. Chaput, you’ll note, is not generally thought of as a liberal in the Church.

    And you’re missing my point, which is not to criticize Scalia, but to direct the press’ attention to how a justice’s religion is covered. If – as some people want to imply – the justices’ vote on the partial-birth abortion ban were conditioned solely by their Catholicism, the press should at least see if that holds true in other votes. I used Scalia’s example because it’s a well-known and obvious one, but I’m sure there are others.

  • Stephen A.

    I love how Scalia is painted as a mindless robot for following Catholic Church teaching on abortion, but is portrayed as a hypocrite and dishonest for bucking the teachings on capital punishment. It’s that kind of biased talking-point style reporting that infuriates conservatives of all faiths.

  • Brian

    Dennis: OK, I don’t want to hijack the comments any longer, so I’ll just make a couple of quick final replies:

    1. I don’t know what “the Catholic Church’s teaching on capital punishment in the United States” quite means, since this ain’t exactly the Anglican Communion we’re talking about.

    2. I think Cardinal Ratzinger’s infamous letter to Cardinal McCarrick states things pretty well: “There may be a legitimate diversity of opinion even among Catholics about waging war and applying the death penalty, but not however with regard to abortion and euthanasia.”

    3. I guess my main issue with your point is defensiveness due to the fact that it all too often is used cynically to delegitimize Catholic opponents of abortion–”Oh, yeah, if you’re such a great Catholic, why don’t you {oppose the death penalty}/{stand up for “social justice” (i.e., my own personal pet socio-economic ideas)}/{etc., etc., etc.}?”

  • Dennis Colby

    I probably should have chosen another example. I’m not concerned here with the Catholic Church’s position on capital punishment, but with the media’s coverage of the religious beliefs of the Supreme Court. Mollie asked if those religious beliefs were fair game for the press to report/speculate on, and my point is that I think good journalism can be done on that subject, as long as it’s nuanced and well-informed. In other words, the “five Catholic justices” line of thinking is ridiculous if it only takes into account a single ruling as the make-or-break test for whether a justice is influenced by his or her religious beliefs.

    I wouldn’t mind reading stories about the justices’ religious beliefs, but I don’t want to read stories that read like the partial-birth abortion ban was the first ruling any of them ever made. They all have histories, which should come to bear on any reporting about their beliefs.

  • Dale

    If reporters want to talk about the influence of religious thought on court opinions, they need to look deeper than who’s in what pew on Sunday morning. They need to read what the Court writes and understand it.

    Supreme Court Justices, or more accurately the Supreme Court clerks directed by the Justices, take a lot of time and trouble to write opinions that argue from principles of law, not from personal political or theological ideologies. A Justice may come to a legal conclusion that he or she finds morally repugnant, yet be compelled to rule against his or her personal conscience, because that’s the conclusion the law requires. In those circumstances, a Justice’s religious beliefs are irrelevant.

    If a reporter is going to cover Supreme Court decisions, he or she should primarily report on the principles stated in the majority court opinion. Then, if there is a dissenting opinion, or tensions or departures from previous decisions of the Court, those should be reported, as well as disagreements among lawyers and legal scholars as to the meaning of the opinion itself and the precedents it cites. The news is the Supreme Court opinion and the ways it will be used, not the Justices’ personal convictions.

    When the press ignores the reasoning of the opinion and instead resorts to speculation about the Justices’ unspoken motives, like their religious beliefs, the press implies that the Court’s opinions are a mere pretext for an unprincipled exercise of power. That creates in the public a cynical and skewed image of the operation of the Supreme Court, and leads to a misinterpretation of the Court’s opinions.

    More specifically, there is nothing in Justice Kennedy’s recent abortion rights opinion to indicate that it was driven by his (or Roberts’ or Alito’s) Catholicism. In fact, as Mollie points out, there is much in the opinion that would be inconsistent with the teachings of Roman Catholicism and traditional Roman Catholic legal theory.

    Kennedy bases part of his legal argument on Casey v. Planned Parenthood, a case that explicitly reaffirmed the constitutional right to abortion. If his religious beliefs were driving his judicial opinions, he would reject Casey altogether. As I understand it, the Roman Catholic Church rejects abortion as a violation of “natural law”, universal principles of law that transcend and precede in authority any specific written law. In Roman Catholic natural law theory, abortion is illegitimate regardless of what the constitution, legislation or Supreme Court precedent states. If Kennedy’s Roman Catholicism shaped the legal theory of his opinion, he’d refer to a transcendent law of nature that made the life of the fetus inviolable, not argue about the extent of the state’s interest in policing abortion procedures.

    Justices Scalia’s and Thomas’ arguments for reversing Roe v. Wade likewise are not driven by their Roman Catholic convictions. Scalia is a “strict constructionist”–that is, he has a positivist approach to constitutional law that, to put it crudely, interprets the Constitution to “mean what it says”. The Constitution says nothing about a right to privacy; therefore, according to Scalia, such a right does not exist in American law, and the Supreme Court has no grounds to overturn anti-abortion legislation as a violation of a right to privacy. However, the Constitution likewise says nothing about the rights of the unborn, so Scalia would uphold properly adopted legislation that liberalized access to abortion. As a Roman Catholic, Scalia might be appalled by liberal abortion legislation; as a principled jurist, he’d nonetheless find such legislation constitutionally valid. Scalia’s jurisprudence owes more to liberal social contract theory than Roman Catholicism; there is no appeal to a transcendent standard of justice, but rather a mundane discussion of what the framers intended when they drafted the contract we call the Constitution.

    Ironically, it is the Roe v. Wade opinion and its progeny that bears the closest resemblance to Roman Catholic legal thought. The Roe court went beyond or behind the words of the Constitution to appeal to a transcendent right to privacy emanating in “penumbras” from the Constitution, even though such a right was never explicitly stated in the text. Although the Roe Court’s transcendent right to privacy concerns liberal personal autonomy rather than Roman Catholic metaphysics, the Court’s underlying legal philosophy reads the Constitution as an expression of “deeper” law, of principles that have authority equal to or greater than the words of the Constitution itself. That’s much closer to Roman Catholic natural law theory than Scalia and Thomas ever get.

    So, if reporters want to talk about religion and Supreme Court decisions, they need to take a closer look at the opinions themselves.

  • Dan

    The religious views that matter are more those of the liberal justices than those of orthodox Catholic justices. It is the liberal justices who believe the Supreme Court to legislate social morality. If left to the Scalias, Alitos, Thomases and Roberts of the world, the Court would stay out of those areas and the justices’ religious views on issues of social morality would be irrelevant. This is akin, I think, to the point that Jan Greenberg made.

    What the public needs to know is not what religion the justices are but whether or not they are strict constructionists.

    The Philadelphia Enquirer cartoon implies that the Catholic justices ignored the secular law out in order to impose Catholic teaching. This is sheer bigotry. Justice Kennedy’s opinion was well within the mainstream of American jurisprudence. Many prominent non-Catholics jurists could easily have written the same opinion.

    It is true, as Molly suggests, that religious conservatives generally abhor abortion and those who abhor abortion rarely if ever see a right to it in the constitution. But the relevant point is that the court is supposed to decide cases on reason rather than personal views. The press should thus address itself to the reasons and to not do so does nothing except promote stereotyping. If the justices failed to support their decision in the partial birth case with sufficient reasons, that is obviously fair game. But it is not fair game to say “oh, they’re Catholics.” That’s contrary to the rationality that liberals purport to champion. As to Molly’s question of whether it’s important to understand religious motivations, I would respond: what’s there to understand? and who’s to say who is acting or not acting out of personal viewpoint?

    All that said, it is possible that in some cases religious belief can conflict with the law. Such a conflict would exist if a judge, based on religious conviction or command, overtly or covertly refused to apply the law. In the case of Catholic justices who take their Catholicism seriously, there may be a legitimate question in some case involving abortion or the death penalty of whether the justice’s obligations as a Catholic prevent him or her from applying the law. It appears that such cases are rare although the issue is quite complicated.

    It’s not in the USA Today article to which Dennis Colby links, but Justice Scalia consulted with “canonical experts” to determine whether he was bound by the Church’s teaching on the death penalty and concluded that he was not. http://www.firstthings.com/article.php3?id_article=2022
    However, Justice Scalia disagrees with Church teaching that it is in most cases immoral to apply the death penalty. He notes that in his view “the choice for the judge who believes the death penalty to be immoral is resignation, rather than simply ignoring duly enacted, constitutional laws and sabotaging death penalty cases.”

    As for abortion, some (Rammesh Ponnuru and Stephen Bainbridge (a Catholic law professor and blogger)) have concluded that a justice who is a committed Catholic can, for example, uphold Roe if he or she believes that stare decisis requires that result. http://www.professorbainbridge.com/2005/11/more_from_ponnu_1.html

    However, Professor Bainbridge also believes that in some cases a Catholic judge’s obligations as a Catholic require him or her to bow out of deciding a case. http://www.beliefnet.com/story/178/story_17839_1.html

    Further, I’m not sure how the analysis is impacted by the following passage from Evangelium Vitae:

    “Abortion and euthanasia are thus crimes which no human law can claim to legitimize. There is no obligation in conscience to obey such laws; instead there is a grave and clear obligation to oppose them by conscientious objection. From the very beginnings of the Church, the apostolic preaching reminded Christians of their duty to obey legitimately constituted public authorities (cf. Rom 13:1-7; 1 Pet 2:13-14), but at the same time it firmly warned that “we must obey God rather than men” (Acts 5:29).”

    In any event, there is no reason to believe that any of the justices who were in the majority in the recent partial birth case were engaged in conscientious objection and, consequently, their religion is irrelevant.

  • Martha

    Mollie, good points and I certainly agree discussing religion has its place.

    But this story starts off with “These men are (1) men (2) Republicans (3) Roman Catholics.”

    Did she give equal time to how their gender and/or politics were involved? No, it was All Papist, All The Time.

    Did she give a dissenting legal opinion, or comment on same from a reputable lawyer or professor of law? To inform us of why the decision was bad law? No, she didn’t.

    Now, fine, if she wanted to write an opinion column on “Ah! The scary Catholics are coming to get us! Run! Run!”, then she can. But I don’t consider this piece ‘journalism’ or ‘reportage’; I think it’s along the lines of those ‘advertorials’ you get in big, glossy supplements at the back of the paper flogging cars or upscale holiday resorts or investment properties abroad.

    And another gripe about related coverage: I saw quoted the shocked, appalled, horrified reaction of somebody or other about how this vital medical technique was now out of bounds for women who were going to die as a result of this callous decision (because there’s no other safe, efficient means of abortion, we were supposed to deduce), and the paper dutifully described it as a procedure used from the 12th week of pregnancy onwards.

    Now, I know sweet Fanny Adams about abortion procedures, so I Googled, and the American Pregnancy Association’s website describe what methods are in use during what stages:

    “What abortion procedures are used during the first trimester?
    In most cases, you will have a choice between medical or surgical abortion procedures during the first trimester. Medical abortions are only available up through nine weeks gestation. The types of abortion procedures performed during the first trimester are:

    Methotrexate & Misoprostol (MTX): a medical abortion procedure used up to the first seven weeks of pregnancy.
    Mifepristone and Misoprostol: a medical abortion procedure used up to the first seven to nine weeks of pregnancy. It is also referred to as RU-486, the abortion pill and Mifeprex.
    Suction Aspiration: a surgical abortion procedure used to terminate pregnancy between 6 to 12 weeks gestation. It is also referred to as suction curettage or vacuum aspiration.
    What abortion procedures are used during the second trimester?
    Medication based abortion procedures are not an option during the second trimester. The types of abortion procedures performed during the second trimester are:

    Dilation & Curettage (D & C): a surgical abortion procedure used to terminate a pregnancy between 13 to 15 weeks gestation. It is also referred to as suction curettage or vacuum aspiration.
    Dilation & Evacuation (D & E): a surgical abortion procedure used to terminate a pregnancy between 15 to 21 weeks gestation.
    Induction Abortion: a rarely performed surgical procedure where salt water, urea, or potassium chloride is injected into the amniotic sac; prostaglandins are inserted into the vagina and pitocin is injected intravenously.
    What abortion procedures are used during the third trimester?
    Medication based abortion procedures are not an option during the third trimester. The surgical types of abortion procedures performed during the third trimester are:

    Induction Abortion: a rarely done surgical procedure where salt water, urea, or potassium chloride is injected into the amniotic sac; prostaglandins are inserted into the vagina and pitocin is injected intravenously.
    Dilation and Extraction: a surgical abortion procedure used to terminate a pregnancy after 21 weeks of gestation. This procedure is also known as D & X, Intact D & X, Intrauterine Cranial Decompression and Partial Birth Abortion.”

    So it would appear, fact fans, that (a) Partial Birth Abortion is only really in use from late in the pregnancy – from the 21st week on, *not* the 12th and (b) even at this stage, there is another alternative.

    Howzabout not uncritically swallowing every statement issued by the pro-choice side, O fearless reporters, and doing a little fact-checking? or even asking ‘what, there’s really, truly no other method? so what happened before this procedure was invented?’

  • Martha

    Good points and worthy of being raised, Mollie, but the piece starts off with “These five are (1) men (2) Republicans (3) Roman Catholics.”

    Did she examine what influence their gender and/or politics might have had on their decision? No.

    Did she quote any dissenting legal opinion, say from a reputable lawyer or professor of law, as to why this decision was bad law? No.

    It was All Papist, All The Time.

    Now, if she wanted to write an opinion column about “Ahhh! The scary Catholics are coming to get us! Flee for your lives!”, then fine, she’s entitled to do so. But as far as I’m concerned, this is not reportage or journalism, it’s an advertorial the same as the ones with the big colour pictures at the back of the paper trying to sell us fancy cars, holidays in upscale resorts, or investment properties in Bulgaria.

    And did she, or anyone, do a piece starting off “Female, Democratic, Jewish Judge Ginsberg voted to strike down the ban. Does her Jewishness matter? Should it even be discussed?”? Not holding my breath here…

  • http://www.nelsonguirado.com Asymmetric
  • Jerry

    One thing that no one has commented on is the number of stories we’ve seen recently where Catholic Bishops have denied communion to those with pro-abortion views. It’s just that kind of pressure that leads to the question about how Catholic justices will react when threatened in that manner. Perhaps some are willing to ignore such pressure, but still, it’s a legitimate question.

    Dale also mentions ‘strict constructionism’ in interpreting the constitution. Maybe some don’t realize that there are six ways that people have typically intpreted the Constitution. As one illustration look at what Justice Scalia had to say:

    Scalia has averred that he is “not a strict constructionist, and no-one ought to be;” he goes further, calling strict constructionism “a degraded form of textualism that brings the whole philosophy into disrepute.”

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Originalism

    This is yet one more area where reporters either don’t know about how Justices actually interpret the Constitution or are discouraged from helping people understand the philosophical background for decisions. It is comparable to the ignorance of many about the religious background of stories that we focus on here.

    For those that are interested, the six methods are discussed at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Judicial_interpretation and comprise textualist or strict constructionist, originalist, doctrinalist, developmentalist, contextualist and structuralist approaches.

  • Dale

    Jerry said:

    One thing that no one has commented on is the number of stories we’ve seen recently where Catholic Bishops have denied communion to those with pro-abortion views. It’s just that kind of pressure that leads to the question about how Catholic justices will react when threatened in that manner. Perhaps some are willing to ignore such pressure, but still, it’s a legitimate question.

    First, those stories involve persons who are actively advocating for expanded abortion rights in direct contradiction to Church teaching, not judges who are interpreting the law. There’s a big difference. A judge is never supposed to be an advocate, although some seem to have forgotten that.

    Second, the way to determine the basis for a Justice’s opinion is to read the opinion itself, not fish for personal information to discredit the reasoning stated in the opinion. If journalists want to suggest that the Justices are being disingenuous in their opinions and hiding the real motives for their decisions, then they need to show that with real evidence (i.e., internal contradictions in the opinions), not suppositions and innuendo.

    Maybe some don’t realize that there are six ways that people have typically intpreted the Constitution.

    So sayeth the most recent editors of Wikipedia. The number of schools of constitutional interpretation probably depends on which jurisprudence scholar you read. I’ve often heard other lawyers and law professors describe Scalia’s approach as a form of strict constructionism, but if he wants to call it originalism, who am I to argue? The important point is that Scalia doesn’t interpret the Constitution in a way that would easily allow his Roman Catholic faith to affect his rulings. He looks to the clear meaning of the text, and when that doesn’t decide the issue, he looks to the history of the Constitution to determine the intent of the framers. There’s not much room for Roman Catholic appeals to Aquinas, natural law and the “light of reason” there.

    Where I will agree with you is that reporting on Supreme Court cases is typically awful. When I hear a recent case described in the mainstream media, I usually think to myself, “the Court couldn’t have decided that.” Sure enough, when I read the opinion, the media has distorted the Court’s decision to make a more sensational or controversial story.

    The recent abortion rights case is a prime example–it’s hardly a monumental change of direction. By relying on Planned Parenthood v. Casey, Kennedy has arguably strengthened the basic grounds for a constitutional right to abortion, even if his opinion holds that certain abortion procedures can be regulated. It’s hardly an unqualified defeat for abortion rights, and anyone that’s looking for the Court to reverse Roe v. Wade is deceiving themselves if they see this decision as meaningful progress.

  • Eli

    I think Mollie brings up some great questions when she wrote:

    What do you think? What are the appropriate boundaries for discussing the religious views of decision makers? How do reporters investigate religious views? When does it smack of religious bigotry?

    And I agree with her that while it’s great in theory for a reporter to explore the religious views of decision makers in offices dealing with morality and life and death issues it may be a bit more difficult in practice.

    Perhaps the reason reporters haven’t inspired much confidence in this area in the past is given how secretive some decision makers have been about what the nature of their beliefs actually are. If a decision maker chooses to believe that the reporter will think less of them given their particular religious framework (despite having no evidence that this is in fact the case) I can see how high quality communication could be extraordinarily difficult or even impossible to achieve. At its base I think it requires a bridge of faith and trust for this type of communication to occur and one too rarely sees it in the MSM.

    As with Scalia, it’s probably not uncommon for individuals to deviate from the doctrine of their particular group if they’ve found that it doesn’t work out for them or that it’s inappropriate given their vocation as perhaps with those that serve on SCOTUS. However I do think it smacks of religious bigotry when it’s simply assumed that because one belongs to a particular group, as with the Catholics on the SCOTUS, that they will like sheep follow whatever particular doctrine they’ve been *told* to believe.

    I also have to agree with Mollie when she says that “everyone has religious views – only some people realize they do”. I don’t think it’s possible for anyone to even function at all in the world if they didn’t have some sort of religious framework to operate from. Identifying exactly what this framework actually is may be a whole separate matter and it may not be within the scope of most reporters’ work to be able to identify it and do justice to it (assuming of course that the decision maker is even aware of what it consists of in the first place). At the same time that doesn’t mean they shouldn’t try. After all, it quite possibly could lead to a meaningful discussion and end up making for a very interesting story.