Back on the taxidermy front

This week’s Time promises more than it delivers in saying that the feature story “The Posse in the Pulpit” offers “a portrait of the pastors who are leading the offensive against the filibuster.”

It’s more like three photos — of D. James Kennedy, Rod Parsley and Rick Scarborough — and a few sentences about Scarborough, including the telling detail that, like Bob Jones III, he has the iconic head of a dead animal on his office wall:

Last week’s federal-court decision overturning Nebraska’s gay-marriage ban has only added fuel to the right’s fire. Thus, Scarborough is spending most of his time these days working to beat back Democrats’ attempts to block several of President Bush’s judicial nominees. “It takes two-thirds of Congress, the President’s signature and three-fourths of the states to change the Constitution–or one judge,” says Scarborough, sitting beneath the mounted head of a whitetail deer in his east Texas office. “And believe me, the left learned that a long time ago.”

Much of the 1,200-word story explores the frustrating details of how Democrats and Republicans are at loggerheads over several of President Bush’s appointees to federal courts.

Time notes, “The Senate could be headed for this historic showdown in part because it anticipates an inevitable one down the line: a full-blown confirmation brawl over the next Supreme Court nominee.”

The story leaves the impression that the Senate would not be in this place were it not for these evangelicals preachers, or their opposite voices in People for the American Way.

Perhaps these preachers see it only as a matter of timing or intensity, though. Time doesn’t devote enough space to details that would answer such a question.

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Flashback: Democrats for Life, again

Two weeks ago, I raised the question of why the MSM shunned what I thought was a rather interesting press conference in which leaders of Democrats for Life attempted to trial-balloon a package of 95-10 legislation that would strive to slow the abortion rate by 95 percent over 10 years. Click here if you want to review that.

Well, it turns out that someone finally did cover that storyUSA Today.

I lost the clip in one of my three computers, but ran into it again. Even though it’s not breaking news, I wanted to give GetReligion readers a heads-up on it, since this story is not going away, by which I mean the story of the Democrats and the Republicans actually finding some kind of common ground on legislation about abortion. This is one of those cases where it takes real courage to float any kind of compromise.

Reporter Susan Page starts with a clear contrast. Three years ago, Democrats for Life was banned from the Democratic National Committee homepage. Now, the 95-10 plan was announced in a press event at DNC headquarters. That is either a change or merely a sign that the leadership frantically wants to present the appearance of some change.

Again, here is the question that the press needs to be watching, because this is a huge story: Will the Democrats merely change their language about social issues, or will they dare to actually attempt legislation that finds common ground? Meanwhile, the Republicans keep showing off their pro-abortion-rights stars — with an eye on 2008, perhaps. Will the GOP actually try to pass compromise legislation that attempts to prevent abortions, or simply continue to use the issue as a red flag to wave at religious conservatives?

But for now, the action is on the Democratic side of the aisle. Why? The party platform actually says that to oppose abortion is the same thing as being a Republican. Page notes:

In a meeting with liberal organizers after losing the presidential election in 2004, John Kerry infuriated some party stalwarts when he said the approach to abortion needed to change. He said Democrats should do more to welcome candidates and voters who say they’re pro-life and to make it clear that being “pro-choice” didn’t mean being “pro-abortion.”

A survey in February by Democratic pollster Stan Greenberg concluded that the abortion issue was a significant factor in Kerry’s loss of white Catholic voters, a key group that sometimes votes for Republicans, sometimes for Democrats. President Clinton carried white Catholics by 7 percentage points in 1996; Kerry lost them by 13 points.

From the 2004 Democratic platform: “We will defend the dignity of all Americans against those who would undermine it. Because we believe in the privacy and equality of women, we stand proudly for a woman’s right to choose, consistent with Roe v. Wade, and regardless of her ability to pay. We stand firmly against Republican efforts to undermine that right.”

Again, this story is not going away. Please let us know if you see coverage of these issues worth noting.

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We now return to the Bob Jones saga

textPeter Carlson of The Washington Post has great fun with the legacy of the three Bob Joneses who served as consecutive presidents of Bob Jones University, and with the tradition-breaking appointment of Stephen Jones as the school’s new president.

He mentions some of the details that made Bob Jones II a three-dimensional character:

As a child traveling on his father’s evangelistic crusades, Bob Jones Jr. would hang bedsheets up like theater curtains in hotel rooms and perform plays of his own creation. As a student at his father’s college, he founded a campus Shakespeare company and played Shylock in “The Merchant of Venice,” a role he reprised throughout his life.

In the ’30s he traveled to Stratford-upon-Avon to study acting. For more than a decade, he barnstormed America with “Curtain Calls,” a one-man show of Shakespearean monologues. In 1937, Warner Bros. offered him a screen test.

He declined: The Lord was calling him to run Bob Jones University. He became vice president in 1932 and president in 1947.

He built up the drama department and the film department, which produced feature-length movies, including one based on his novel about the Inquisition, “Wine of Morning.” After World War II, Bob Jr. traveled Europe, buying paintings by Botticelli, Tintoretto, Rubens, Rembrandt, and building up BJU’s art museum.

He mines the humor in an unbroken Bob Jones education:

It’s possible to go from preschool to a PhD and never attend a school that isn’t named after Bob Jones. In fact, BJU’s next president, Stephen Jones, did exactly that.

Then, many paragraphs later, he returns to it:

He was born in the clinic at BJU and he never really left. He went to Bob Jones preschool, Bob Jones Elementary, Bob Jones Junior High, Bob Jones Academy. He has a bachelor’s degree in public speaking from BJU, a master of divinity from BJU, and on Saturday — the day he becomes president of BJU — he’ll receive his PhD in liberal arts studies from BJU. He met his wife at BJU and has worked as a teaching assistant, residence hall supervisor and vice president for administration at BJU.

Carlson’s story is hindered, though, by a gratuitous use of sneer quotes — the kind that not only wrench a two-word phrase from a full sentence, but also telegraph editorial disapproval.

First there’s the dreaded one-sentence summary of a complex history:

For eight decades, BJU has been led by three generations of Bob Joneses — preachers who pioneered a combative and highly political form of fundamentalism that gave rise to the “Christian Right.”

(Does this mean the Christian Right would never have existed without the Bob Jones dynasty? Please.)

Then there’s the refusal simply to quote people on their own terms:

The context [of campus rules] is BJU’s mission, which is to give students a “Christlike character.” That includes smoking, drinking, dancing, gambling, TVs in dorm rooms, uncensored Internet access and most modern music, including rock, rap, country, jazz — even Christian music if it has a “sensual” beat.

. . . The difference between Bob Jones and secular schools, Pait says, is that at BJU every teacher is a fundamentalist Christian and every subject is taught from a “Christian worldview.”

. . . A month later, Dr. Bob shocked the BJU community by ending the ban, declaring it merely a symbolic protest against “one-world government.”

Lest we miss the point, Carlson also gives us these atmospheric details in the office of Bob Jones III (pictured, center, in an otherwordly moment when Ian Paisley visited the campus for a building dedication):

He’s sitting in the dusky gloom of his office. The walls are dark wood, decorated with mementos of beasts he shot — a deer head, an elk head, moose antlers.

At 65, Dr. Bob is a thin man with a warm smile and a friendly manner — except when he’s denouncing the sins of his godless nation.

Yes, the man hunts animals! (No word on whether he actually eats them, too.) And for the sake of comparison, his office doesn’t look terribly dark in the photo accompanying this feature in The Greenville News.

Considering the three Bob Joneses’ far more provocative remarks — about racial segregation, Jerry Falwell, George H.W. Bush, Alexander Haig and the pope (any pope) — it’s not as though Carlson lacked volatile material.

With a bit of restraint, Carlson would have delivered a wry, detached profile of the Jones patriarchs. Instead, he’ll leave some conservative Christians baffled at why The Washington Post has such trouble mentioning the basic concept of a Christian worldview without a typographical qualifier.

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Echo chamber: Democrats get religion?

UCClogo.jpgWe could have started an entire blog during the past six months on the subject of the Democratic Party and religion. Check out this package at The Dallas Morning News — in the new weekly Points section edited by Rod “friend of this blog” Dreher — on the theme “Can the Democratic Party be fixed?”

Then there is this piece by columnist Andrew Ferguson at Bloomberg. As you know, we don’t do much here with opinion columns, but, hey, don’t you think this is a snappy headline? — “Can Democrats, Like Republicans, Get Religion?”

We like the sound of that.

By the way, if you Google the words Get Religion right now, we are nearing the 100,000 mark for use of the phrase. Then there’s nearly 16,000 for GetReligion (without the space, the way we use it in the URL). Coming soon — GetReligion T-shirts, mugs and (according to young Jeremy) lunch boxes. We will pass on the Air America-style thong.

Meanwhile, here is one of the money quotes from the Ferguson column, focusing on the recent life and times of one John Podesta and the Center for American Progress:

Many Democrats have been awed by the success of the conservative movement within the Republican party. So over the last two years, Democratic activists have created a series of mirror-image institutions and initiatives — their own talk radio network, quasi-academic think tanks (Podesta’s center is the most prominent), media watchdog groups, ideologically motivated lobbying firms. It worked for conservatives, why not liberals?

Podesta’s faith initiative shows the delusion at the heart of this mimicry. There’s no doubting that religious conservatives have been one of the great engines of Republican electoral success. Yet this part of the conservative movement has been what a progressive might call “organic,” a spontaneous coming-together of like-minded people in the face of intolerable offenses (so conservatives believed) from the larger secular culture.

The religious right, in other words, is a bottom-up movement, bound together by a sense of grievance. Podesta’s initiative, on the other hand, looks like an attempt to gin up an artificial movement that otherwise shows no independent signs of viability.

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Hey Hillary, is this legislation pro-life?

Democrats for Life.gifNow here is an interesting media-relations question. What does it mean when a group of Democrats gets together to announce a package of legislation and the press conference merits a wave of coverage from the Christian Communication Network, the Conservative Voice and LifeNews.com, but the event receives no coverage at all — zero, zip, nada — in the MSM?

Well, I would guess that might happen if the group holding the press conference is Democrats For Life.

Still, there is no question that the topic is newsworthy. I mean, even Hillary Clinton has talked about this subject and people like Andrew Sullivan have noticed this. If this is a real story, then it should end up affecting legislation. Right?

So here is a clip from the LifeNews.com report by Steven Ertelt:

Democrats for Life of America joined Reps. Tim Ryan (Ohio), Bart Stupak (Michigan) and Lincoln Davis (Tennessee) at a press conference Friday to announce the “95-10 Initiative” — a plan to reduce abortions 95 percent in the next 10 years.

Kristen Day, director of DFLA, said the plan was “a legitimate policy initiative that will actually reduce the number of abortions.” She said it “has been met favorably by both pro-life and pro-choice advocates and elected officials.”

The initiative outlines 17 different policy programs designed to empower and promote women as well as protect unborn children. Some of those include a national toll-free number for pregnancy support, studying why women have abortions, funding daycare on college campuses, increasing funding for domestic violence programs, and making adoption tax credits permanent.

And so forth and so on. Obviously, there are critics of such an effort on the right as well as on the left. It’s a hot topic and compromise will be hard. After all, this effort would require proposing laws that involve tax dollars, adoption, birth control, daycare and a host of other sensitive moral, religious and political subjects. It would mean finding middle ground.

To me, that sounds like an interesting story. It looks like you will have to go to a niche news site to read about it.

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The politics of obituaries

DianeKnippers.jpgDiane Knippers was a friend of this blog, in that I worked with her (and other conservative Episcopalians) during the Lambeth Conference of 1998 and the Episcopal Church’s General Conventions of 1994, 1997 and 2003. I was not so close to Diane as to be overwhelmed by grief as she is buried today, but I feel keen sorrow for her husband, Ed.

Those are the biases I bring as a reader of Diane’s obituaries in The New York Times and The Washington Post and by Religion News Service (as published on Christianity Today‘s website).

The obituary by Kevin Eckstrom of RNS is the most comprehensive and the one that engages in no cheap shots. Both the Times and the Post are quick to describe Diane’s longtime base, the Institute on Religion and Democracy, as small, and the Post adds that Knippers’ “access to politicians and the news media outstripped the modest size of the institute.” (By contrast, Eckstrom quoted Randall Balmer’s remark to Time magazine: “IRD is starting to have the kind of impact that think tanks like the Heritage Foundation and the Brookings Institution enjoy.”)

Eckstrom took the trouble to interview a few people who worked with Knippers, while all three articles cited observers who could assess her influence. The Times quoted Balmer as calling her “one of the essential strategists for the religious right at the turn of the 21st century” who came off like “a very bright and sophisticated housewife.” (That sounds more than a little patronizing, considering that Ed and Diane Knippers never had children and she went straight from earning a master’s degree to working for Good News, a renewal movement within the United Methodist Church.)

The slights extend to Diane’s surviving husband. Both the Times and the Post describe Ed Knippers as “a painter of biblical scenes,” which may leave the impression that he’s another Sam Butcher (creator of Precious Moments) or Thomas Kinkade, Painter of Light. (This biography page and this appreciative essay show why Ed’s non-squeamish work hangs at the Vatican, the Armand Hammer Museum and elsewhere.)

The most petty digs, however, come from the sneer-quote-laden Post obituary by Adam Bernstein, who uses the ever-reliable “in her view” device:

Mrs. Knippers highlighted the killing and persecution of Christians; took issue with those condemning Israel without noting human rights abuses in other parts of the world; and tried to “reform” Protestant churches in the United States through criticism of a liberalism that, in her view, fostered an “erosion in basic Christian doctrine.”

. . . She also railed against a “radical feminist theology” that she said tried to “re-imagine” God in a way that did not seem patriarchal.

Memo to the Post: There actually was a national conference in 1992 called “Re-Imagining” at which participants chanted “re-imagining God.” Some participants held a reunion in 2003. Several books have pursued those themes further. Some movements may exist only in the feverish imaginations of bright and sophisticated housewives/activists. Re-Imagining is not one of them.

Rest in peace, Diane, unless you’re already chuckling about those obituaries.

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Top ten

Mooremoney.jpgThis week, The Washington Times ran a three-part series (links here, here, and here) by religion reporter Julia Duin. The umbrella title for the series was “Faithless: God under fire in the public square,” and the 7,200-word package serves as an interesting look into the world of the Christian and secular activists who are fighting over how much religion should be allowed to shape public policy and public life.

The stories are rich in the kind of details that make religion reporting fun to read. Did you know, for instance, that Americans United for the Separation of Church and State used to be called Protestants and Other Americans United for the Separation of Church and State? Or that the thing that convinced the Rev. Barry Lynn to enter the political was his intuition that laws against abortion were a sign of too much religious influence in American politics? (Though Lynn opines, “I do have very, very traditional religious beliefs.”)

The second story begins with an “emergency meeting” organized by the American Humanist Association, held the weekend before President Bush’s second inauguration, at which 20 organizations were represented. One of the organizations there was the Freedom From Religion Foundation, a “mom and pop” operation that issued a press calling September 11 “the ultimate faith-based initiative” only days after the attacks.

Duin coveys an impresive of compressed history in order to put the current dust-ups into some kind of reasonable context. She paints the ACLU, for instance, as an organization that was founded by left-wing radicals (including the odd Stalin apologist) but trimmed its sails some over time. She looks at some of the successes the non-God squad has had litigating against religion in the past and at the conservative Christian legal response.

Two issues loom large in this series: the Ten Commandments and the fight to control the judiciary. The first story starts in the Supreme courtroom, with the arguments over whether the Ten Commandments and other venerable religious symbols should be allowed on public property. The final installment begins at a church in Fort Lauderdale, Florida, the 130th stop in the nationwide tour of former Alabama judge Roy Moore’s controversial two-and-a-half ton tribute to the Mosaic Law.

According to Duin, both religious conservatives and secularists are likely to see the country teetering over a precipice. Christians fear the sort of godless moral anarchy that is only a few unfortunate court decisions away (think Roe v. Wade squared). ACLU types fear that the current president’s judicial appointments will lead to a string of victories for the forces of fundamentalism.

Lots of material in this series — I smell a book in the works — but Duin skimps on some of the practical political fallout of either side gaining ground. For instance, I talked to a political consultant friend the other day who said that if the Supreme Court rules against the Ten Commandments, the Republicans will absolutely destroy the Democrats in the midterm elections.

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If only the nonpartisan Lillian Carter were still here

BushPope.jpgMaura Reynolds of the Los Angeles Times reports today on President Bush’s plan to attend Pope John Paul II’s funeral, interpreting it as an effort to cultivate votes among Catholics:

Some might read Bush’s inclination to fly to Rome as a transparent attempt to court Catholics, a constituency in the cross hairs of strategists seeking to expand the Republican electoral base.

But for all the praise the president has lavished on Pope John Paul II in recent days, the relationship between the two men and their politics was tense and complex. And for all the attention paid to the role of social conservatives in Republican politics, the “Catholic vote” is still up for grabs.

“Both the pope and the president have indeed had an impact on socially conservative Catholics becoming more Republican,” said Mark J. Rozell, an expert on religion and politics at George Mason University outside Washington. “But the non-churchgoing or occasionally churchgoing still don’t identify with the Republican Party.”

In his comments after the pope’s death, Bush emphasized the pontiff’s support for the “culture of life” — a phrase the president borrowed from the pope and uses to refer broadly to specific positions on abortion, euthanasia and marriage.

But the president made no mention of other issues on which he and the pope disagreed: the decision to go to war in Iraq, the death penalty and the West’s responsibility, in the pope’s view, to curb rampant consumerism and combat global poverty.

A few thoughts:

• George Bush is not running for the presidency again, and it won’t be much longer before his name is preceded by “lame duck.”

• Does anyone think many Catholics would be more inclined to support Social Security reform, or the war in Iraq, simply because President Bush attends the pope’s funeral?

Of course Bush’s relationship with John Paul II was tense and complex. Given the pope’s widely known convictions about abortion, is it possible to imagine that his differences with President Clinton made for hours of hilarity and backslapping?

• Is George Bush now on record as supporting rampant consumerism or rejecting the West’s role in combating global poverty?

Reynolds includes some helpful distinctions from John C. Green, the University of Akron’s always insightful researcher on religion and politics:

“Catholics haven’t become more conservative,” said the University of Akron’s Green. “They have pretty much the same views as they had in the past. The difference is that more traditionalist Catholics have connected their views to their vote, which meant they voted more Republican.”

“Modernist” Catholics, who by some tallies outnumber the traditionalists, remain staunch Democrats and last year voted overwhelmingly for the Democratic presidential candidate, Sen. John F. Kerry of Massachusetts, who is Catholic.

Near the end of her story, Reynolds mentions this poignant detail:

The last time a pope died — Pope John Paul I in September 1978 — Jimmy Carter was president, and there was little suggestion that he should attend the funeral. Instead, he sent his mother, Lillian, to represent the country.

But since then, starting with Carter when John Paul II visited the U.S. in 1979, American presidents have courted the pontiff, perhaps none so assiduously as Bush. But analysts say that such a courtship may hold sway only with the traditional Catholics who most revere the pope.

Here’s another possibility that applies both to Catholics and other Christians: John Paul II’s dynamism made it unthinkable that another president would send his retired mother to a papal funeral — or at least to John Paul’s funeral.

Reynolds mentions in passing that Ronald Reagan was the first president to send an ambassador to the Vatican. She doesn’t mention that the fiercest objections to that appointment came not from traditionalist Catholics or from conservative Republicans, but from the advocates of church-state separation. For that breakthrough, among many others, social conservatives have many reasons to be thankful for John Paul II’s life and legacy.

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