Recent Good News Out of Switzerland

Courts in the Swiss canton of Thurgau have overturned on appeal the cantonal school district’s decision to forbid two Albanian girls from wearing the headscarf to school.  The story begins in 2011, when two 14-year-old girls were forbidden from wearing their headscarves to classes.  What ensued was a two-year legal battle that saw the school’s decision approved once by the courts, then now overturned. Surprising to me is that the ruling found that a blanket ban on headscarves was disproportionate and without a sound legal basis for a general ruling. Not surprising to me, the leader of the school, Rolf Gmünder, was quoted (in the NZZ article, above) as planning to appeal, in order to gain the “sound legal basis” to move forward with an all-out headscarf ban.

Switzerland, in keeping with its status as confederation, does not have a national policy on headscarves per se. In its direct democracy system, many things decided at the federal level are by referendum (like the minaret ban), but a majority of issues are decided at the cantonal or communal/district level, and sometimes even case-by-case regarding individual schools.  As such, unlike in France, there really haven’t been serious national initiatives on outlawing headscarves.  Indeed, there has been local legislation or associative rules aimed at defining how girls and women dress, like the Sura al-Shawk case in Luzern (which I have written about previously at MMW) as well as the case of the swimming lessons for girls in Basel (also the topic of a previous article on this site), but as of yet no referendum (in a referendum-happy country) on access to education for girls and women in headscarves.

Arguments on the religious permissibility or mandatory nature (or not) of headscarves aside (my pet peeve in talks about Muslim women), this is an important step in providing equal access to education for women. [Read more...]

Malala Yousufzai: A Story of Education, Drones, and Foreign Policy

On a recent grocery store run, my father and I overheard an interesting exchange between two male store attendants about Malala Yousufzai, the 14-year-old activist from Pakistan’s northern Swat region who was targeted recently for her outspoken views on education.  While one of the attendants bemoaned her fate, his friend, a young Pathan, speaking with the tell-tale lyricism of Urdu in a Pashto accent, proceeded to comment on how many girls like Malala are being killed by drone attacks in South Waziristan.  My father, generally not one to intrude, gently chastised the younger man, informing him that Malala was attacked by the Taliban and not targeted in a drone attack.  The man stared at my father for a beat, shrugged and simply walked away.  I wasn’t entirely surprised by his reaction.  This incident, however, does serve to demonstrate (to some extent) how the narrative of Malala’s attack is taking shape in the minds of some members of the Pakistani public.

On October 14, a live TV event was held where students from several age groups and schools, in addition to various members of civil society organisations, held a candle light vigil for Malala in front of the hospital where the young girl was initially operated on.  The event was hosted by controversial televanglist, Dr. Amir Liaquat, and I watched as he concluded with a prayer and interacted with audience members on the need to “raise our voices” against the attack on Malala, the drone strikes, and the victims of the Lal Masjid (Red Mosque) military operation that took place in Islamabad in 2007.  By comparing Malala’s activism with the victims of drone strikes and Lal Masjid, suddenly Malala no longer appears to stand solely for female education rights but for every girl/victim who has in some way been indirectly affected by US foreign policy, in particular to America’s “war on terror” in which the Pakistani military also plays a complicit role.

Overall, support in Pakistan for the injured winner of the National Youth Peace Prize has been vociferous; from candle light vigils across the country to protests against extremist factions, Pakistanis are rallying, calling this a war between the light of education and darkness.  Key government officials have also contributed to the Malala-get well rhetoric whilst the army has vowed to continue its fight against extremist factions.

Global media, too, is rightfully enthralled by this young woman whose courageous stance has provided a timely impetus for change. [Read more...]

Fatwa Frenzy: Skewing the Education Fatwa Issue

The right to an education is one of the most basic rights that any person can have. Yet this right is often denied to women, including many women in various Muslim societies. We have examples of women in the formative era of Islam who benefited from education and who were scholars in their own right. Still, the right to be educated is one that is fought for by Muslim women’s rights activists and a right recently reaffirmed by an Islamic scholar. Fatemeh linked to two stories about the fatwa issued by the Grand Mufti of Egypt, Dr. Ali Jumaa and published by the General Authority for Religious Affairs and Endowments in the UAE.

The fatwa itself does not say anything extraordinary. It gives women the right to pursue an education even if their fathers or other guardians prevent them from doing so. The fatwa also prohibited guardians from turning down “reasonable” marriage prospects chosen by women as well as preventing women from working when “There is a personal need for it, or a public need, and it is work that does not overstep the line into what is forbidden in Islam”. These are rights that women’s rights activists have fought for for some time.

What I found more interesting than the fatwa itself was the coverage of fatwa between The National, an English language daily published in Dubai, and The Chronicle of Higher Education. The differences begin with the titles that the two publications use for their articles. The National’s piece is titled “Fatwa empowers women in marriage and education”. This title, while not neutral, presents the reader with the idea that the goal of the fatwa is reaffirm rights for women.

The title of The Chronicle’s piece however is much more loaded. “Muslim Women May Defy Fathers’ Wishes and Go to University, Legal Authority Rules” paints a much different picture of the fatwa. The title of the Chronicle’s article pits Muslim women against their Muslim fathers and gives a much more combative picture of the fatwa. The fatwa wasn’t meant to make Muslim women fight their fathers, nor was that the intent of it. The fatwa gives Islamic justification for women to seek an education when they may encounter resistance from a guardian, which is not limited to their fathers. Whether consciously or unconsciously, the title of the Chronicle’s article pits Muslim women against Muslim men and depicts Muslim men as collectively denying Muslim women their rights.

The National’s article provided a more thorough analysis of the fatwa, discussing the question posed to the mufti, the school of jurisprudence that the mufti follows, the various issues that were addressed by the fatwa (marriage and medical care in addition to education) and what a fatwa is. The Chronicle’s article only touched on education (although to be fair, higher education is the primary focus of the publication) and was much briefer than The National’s. The brevity of the Chronicle’s article may have been due to the fact that it was posted on the publication’s blog site, as opposed to the main site.

The Chronicle’s post, not surprisingly, pointed out how many women in Arab countries are illiterate compared to men and how this shows the barriers that exist for Muslim women in obtaining an education. “However, one sign that significant barriers to higher education continue to exist for Muslim women is the fact that 42 percent of women in the Middle East and North Africa are illiterate, compared with 22 percent of men.” The most glaring problem with this conclusion is that Arab and Muslim once again become synonymous. It may be hard to not to do this since the media, The National included,  is applying the fatwa to Muslim women and not just one group of Muslim women. Still, the statistics itself was not necessary and did not add much to the story.

This quote from the Chronicle also did not add much: “Even in wealthy Muslim countries like the United Arab Emirates — where more women than men attend university — there remain pockets of extremely conservative families that forbid female members to pursue a higher degree.” The Chronicle, as opposed to The National, seemed intent not on focusing on the fatwa itself but on depicting a battle between the Muslim sexes. It seems to make no difference that the fatwa was given by a man, or that Dr. Jumaa wasn’t seeking to cause a war between women and their fathers (in fact, he reaffirms women being under the guardianship of their father even as adults). The author of the Chronicle’s post seemed intent on framing the fatwa in a way that was mostly negative and combative, despite the fact that it was not really necessary.

While no media can be truly neutral, I admit that I did expect more from The Chronicle, considering its high standard of journalism in the education. In the future, I hope this standard is extended when covering to issues related to Muslim women.