The Cult of Rick Perry

Disheartening.  Profoundly disheartening.

That’s the word I would use to describe the kerfuffle over Robert Jeffress and his comments on Mitt Romney and Mormonism, as well as the strange, confused, often-angry conversation that has followed.  I’ve been too buried in diapers and onesies to participate, but now that I sit down to write, I feel only discouragement — as a conservative and as an evangelical Christian.

Let’s be clear.  However often we forget it, this is the first question we need to answer: How do we communicate the grace and the truth of the gospel in this situation?  How, in this environment and these circumstances, do we be a people defined by Jesus Christ and his kingdom?

There is nothing gracious or compassionate in diluting the truth.  However much the world might implore us to believe that there is no such thing as absolute truth, or that each person can define the truth for herself, or that any person who calls himself Christian must therefore be a Christian, we reject all of these claims.  We speak the truth clearly, because the truth clarifies and liberates and heals.  Mormonism professes to be a recovery of a pristine original Christianity, the Christianity of Jesus Christ.  We disagree.  Mormonism explicitly rejects the Christianity of the great western creeds.  We affirm them.  We believe that the Holy Spirit guided the church into those creeds as the right and best interpretation of the Scriptures.  So Mormonism, in our view, is neither Christianity in its original sense nor in its traditional, historical sense.

Words have meanings.  It is not hateful or arrogant or superior to delineate the boundaries of a religious tradition.  It is necessary.  It’s necessary because otherwise that tradition will cease to exist as such.  If you cannot say This is Christian and This is not Christian, then everything is up for grabs and sooner or later there will be no such thing as a Christian tradition.  We view the preservation of that tradition as the protection of God’s revelation.  So we define Christianity in terms of its essential beliefs, practices and commitments.  Mormonism does not, in our view, match that definition.  I can explain further in another post.

Robert Jeffress

But that does not mean that Mormonism is a cult.  That does not mean it’s legitimate to attack a presidential candidate because he is not a Christian by the proper historical standards.  And it does not mean that it’s okay to manipulate religious audiences for partisan political gain.  In other words, it does not mean that it’s okay for evangelicals to act in the ways they’ve been acting.  What kind of witness does this give to the world?  What kind of witness does it give to Mormons?

Is it permissible to include a candidate’s faith in our assessment of that candidate?  Absolutely.  The Constitution prohibits a “religious test,” but that merely means the government cannot exclude a candidate by law because of his or her religious affiliation.  It does not mean that a voter cannot assess a person’s faith and whether it would shape his actions in office.  True faith shapes everything the person of faith does.  Some religions are so offensive to the True and the Good and the Beautiful that they would, in effect, disqualify a candidate from my vote.  I would be uncomfortable, for instance, having a Satanist in the White House.  And some religions are so manifestly absurd that I could not respect a person of that faith enough to vote for him.  I could not vote for a person who worshipped the Flying Spaghetti Monster.

Mormonism falls into neither of those categories.  Mormons uphold the personal, family and social values I hold dear.  In many ways, the Mormon church has done so much more strongly and consistently than the American evangelical church.  Even in the face of verbal and physical attacks, Mormons have stood fast on abortion and the definition of marriage.  Mormons are deeply ethical, deeply patriotic, and deeply committed to life and family.  Mormons also make arguments for their specific beliefs, and how their beliefs reflect the original meaning of the scriptures, that would surprise many evangelicals with their power.  How many of my fellow evangelicals know, for instance, that Mormons defend their view that “As God now is, man may be” with reference to the Early Church Fathers’ teaching on theosis?  I interpret the Greek teaching of deification differently, but the point is: if you didn’t know that Mormons justify their teaching of “becoming Gods” in this way (and know that the Mormon teaching regarding God’s past has greatly modulated over time), then you’re (I’m sorry) not very well informed on what Mormons believe and why they believe it.

The question then is whether specific Mormon beliefs would lead a President to behave or respond in ways that concern us.  I’ve seen no credible argument that Mormon differences from traditional Christian theology would lead Mormons to act differently than traditional Christians in the Oval Office.  We know Mitt Romney’s commitments on ethical and political matters.  We don’t need to speculate on how a finely-cut (albeit important) theological difference might make Mitt mishandle a national crisis.  We can judge his commitments and his character on the basis of his record and his platform.

I agree with Robert Jeffress that it’s important to have a leader who honors biblical principles — and I believe that Mitt honors the principles of love and grace, life and family, wisdom and stewardship just as well, if not better, than candidates like Rick Perry.  I know many people who know Mitt and they all, every single one, speak in the highest terms of his integrity and his moral commitments.  He was not always pro-life, but he appears to have sincerely seen the light on the issue, and ever since then he’s stood up for pro-life causes even in the face of withering criticism from the overwhelmingly liberal Massachusetts electorate.

I also believe that God blesses a nation that honors Him, but I see no evidence that America has fared better — materially or spiritually — under born-again believers than it has under others.  Should we have voted for Carter over Reagan because he was/is an evangelical?  Nations that honor God are blessed because they live according to values and principles that bring life and healing and flourishing.  Mormons have inherited those values and principles from the Christian tradition — a fact for which we should be grateful, since Mormons have fought with conservative evangelicals on every major moral/cultural issue in the last few decades.

I don’t blame Dr. Robert Jeffress — not much, at least.  Evangelicals in general have been systematically misinformed about Mormonism through books like Walter Martin’s The Kingdom of the Cults.  Jeffress was repeating what he had heard all his life.  He believes he’s defending the salvific truth.

I blame the Rick Perry campaign.  If you believe that they had no idea what Dr Jeffress intended to say, then you must not follow politics much.  This was calculated, and executed as intended.  Whether Perry himself knew what was coming, of course I cannot say.  But you can be confident his campaign knew.  With their support in free-fall, and anxious to reestablish themselves as the Romney-Alternative for evangelicals, they used a pastor proxy to say that Mitt’s a “cult” member and that no Christian, given a good Christian alternative candidate, should vote for him.  You can also be sure that the Perry campaign is, even as we speak, speaking with evangelical luminaries and trying to line up their support and keep the Mormonism critique going.  They want Perry to be The Evangelical Candidate, and they’re doing so by posing themselves over against The Mormon Candidate.

Make no mistake.  ”Cult” is an explosive term, and they knew what they were doing.  Some have tried to walk that language back and say that Mormonism is a “cult” in the theological but not sociological sense.  That’s nonsense.  James Emery White, for instance, defines a “cult” as “a religious group that denies the biblical nature of God, the full divinity of Jesus Christ, and that we are only saved through His atoning death on the cross through grace.”  By that definition, anything other than Christianity, and arguably anything other than Protestant evangelicalism, is a cult.  Richard Land argues that “cult” has a specialized sense in Baptist circles, referring to sects that claim to be Christian but are not Christian.  Yet the point is: the Perry/Jeffress camp were not addressing the Southern Baptist Convention.  They knew full well that the American people associate “cult” with poisoned Koolaid and the Branch Davidians and Charles Manson.  The implication is that Mitt Romney is a cult member, and we all know cultists are unstable, weird, irrational and subject to control.

This, in my view, was a shameful slander of a good man on the basis of his religious beliefs, and a shameful manipulation of religious language and religious sentiments for the advancement of a political campaign.  It was divisive, destructive, and misleading.  I’m sorry that it was self-proclaimed evangelicals who did this.  There was nothing gracious about it.  It harmed the witness of the church, not because the world hates it when we “speak the truth boldly” but because it showed evangelicals with partisan political commitments stooping to personal religious attacks in order to help their guy.

I warned in an earlier post about a ”subtle blurring of the lines between the church and the state amongst Perry and his devotees” — and took a lot of grief for it — but this is what I was talking about.  When one candidate becomes The Evangelical Candidate, then the witness of the evangelical church becomes tied, for better or worse, to the actions of that candidate.  That is not in the interest of the kingdom of God.  Just as Romney does not present himself as a representative of Mormonism, Perry should not present himself as a representative of Evangelicalism.  But he’s doing so in order to attract the support, votes and money of evangelical conservatives.

The future of our country is at stake.  We live in exceptionally perilous economic circumstances.  The economy has foundered, and the basic economic structure and the cultural resources that made the American economy so remarkably successful have deteriorated.  We need a President who can make government lean and efficient and recreate the circumstances for a flourishing private sector.  Presently, Romney and Perry are essentially in agreement on life, family and culture issues.  Both have impressive economic records.  While I think we need Romney’s skills and experience, Perry and Romney would both be vastly better than Obama.  We don’t need to be dividing Republicans on religious lines, and pitting evangelicals over against the Mormons who have fought alongside them on issue after issue.

Anita Perry, Rick’s wife, complained yesterday that Perry has been “brutalized” in the mainstream media because of his faith.  And yes, for a variety of reasons, so he has.  In this case, however, it was the Perry campaign that brutalized an honorable Republican candidate for his faith.  I hope that gives Rick Perry some food for thought.  The kingdom of God is more important than the presidency, and this was one case of groping for the latter by harming the former.

 

 

 

Rick Perry: The Middle Finger of the Right

The Presidential primary pains me to watch.  Not because the candidates are atrocious — I don’t think they are, and regular readers will know that I think highly of Mitt Romney — but because I don’t enjoy arguing with my fellow conservatives.  Actually, I really don’t enjoy arguing at all.  I could once argue for the sheer enjoyment of it, but then I saw relationships damaged through those arguments and became averse to stringent arguments.  When I speak up on some controversial matter, it’s because I feel compelled to defend the truth as I see it, and because I think (when I do) that I can bring clarity to the matter.

What can I say?  I’m a lover, not a fighter.

The problem when you write in favor of a particular candidate in the primary is that you win the opposition of (a) all the people who favor the other party and (b) all the people who favor another candidate in the primary.  In my case, this amounts to about 85% of my friends.  I don’t like arguing in general, but I really don’t like arguing against those who typically defend me and my points of view.  Ah well.

Yesterday I wrote my first piece at Evangelicals for Mitt.  It addressed a question that had been posed by David French: Why is Rick Perry considered more conservative than Mitt Romney?  Both have gone through less-conservative stretches in their past.  Romney was once pro-choice, and passed a health care bill some believe runs against the principles of conservatism; Perry was a Democrat not too long ago, campaigned for Al Gore, and advanced an immigration law very similar to Obama’s DREAM Act.  When it comes to their current positions, both are conservatives on fiscal, social and foreign matters.

So here, in a nutshell, is the theory I advanced.  The mainstream media perceives Perry as more conservative because they associate thoroughgoing conservatism with certain cultural trappings — a Texan accent, cowboy boots, coarser forms of communication, an A&M degree, a simple black-and-white style of communication, and so on.  For the liberal intelligentsia, those who appear more sophisticated and intelligent (in the way they expect intelligence to look) will generally be more liberal, and those who seem more rural and course will generally be more conservative.  Worse, Rick-Perry-like qualities not only scream “extreme conservative” in their ears, but they are also found irritating in the extreme.

Many conservatives too have fallen into the trap of believing that someone who looks like an elite New Englander simply cannot be as thoroughly conservative, especially on social matters, as someone who looks like a Texas rancher.  And when they see the Texas rancher assailed by the liberal media, this tells conservatives that this is “one of them.”  Romney, they think, looks too much like the limousine liberals to believe the same thing as the Texan rancher believes.  So conservatives defend the Texas rancher, insisting that he isn’t stupid and the America he represents really is worth preserving — and in the process of defending him they become attached to him.  The harder the MSM attacks him (or, more often in recent years, attacks her), the more often the Right defends him, and the more possessive they become of him.

Here are a couple paragraphs of what I wrote:

Just because the Left hates him does not mean we have to love him.  Just because he causes the veins in their heads to explode, does not mean that he’s the guy.

Supporting Rick Perry is one way for middle America to lift a big, white, hairy middle finger in the faces of the cultural elites.  If they say that the Rick Perrys of the world are racist, backward, ignorant troglodytes, then we’ll defend him come hell or high water and we’ll even subject the haters to a Rick Perry presidency.  One gets the impression that Mitt Romney could attend a dinner with New York liberals and have the grace and decency and savvy to get along with them.  Romney is redolent of the Northeast; can anything conservative come from Boston?  But that’s not what a substantial portion of the American electorate wants right now.  They want a two-fisted political brawler who offends and sneers at and stomps upon the liberal opposition.  They want someone who will take out their anger vicariously upon the establishment.  Sending Perry to Washington would be like sending a battleship straight into the culture war’s most contested waters.  He takes all the punishment, and he returns fire with gusto, but that doesn’t mean he’d be a better President.

Please read the rest, but note that this is not a fleshed-out argument against Perry.  This is just a perspective on the support for Perry and how it arises, in part, as a reflection of the Left’s attacks against him.  That’s why I said, in an earlier (much-criticized) post more critical of Perry,

What's So Scary About Rick Perry?

Douglas MacKinnon writes at Investor’s Business Daily:

Beyond the usual suspects in the far-left media, many in the GOP establishment such as Karl Rove, are doing all they can to derail the Perry campaign. Again, why?

Erick Erickson, in an excellent horse race summation in Red State, nails the answer:

“So you have these guys … trying to settle every score they can with Perry and his consultant, Dave Carney. … Because so much of the consultant class will be shut out of the White House should Rick Perry win, their livelihoods depend on Rick Perry losing either now or in November.

And frankly, for a few in the GOP consultant class, they’ll gladly see Perry lose in November just to ensure they are not shut out of a Republican White House. For all the talk of Perry being an establishment guy, the establishment hates his guts as much as the left does . . .”

No, no, no.  This is not the right way to go.  When conservative writers adopt a populist stance and inveigh against the “GOP establishment,” this reeks of a kind of class warfare that should have no place here.  Conservatives should not demonize those who have been successful and gained influence and experience.  Casting doubt on the motives of anyone who opposes Perry, suggesting that they oppose him only because of their professional aspirations, is also cheap rhetoric.  Is that also why Perry supporters support him, because they want a job?  Speculating on motives gets us nowhere.  The truth is, our motives are often mixed.  Many fiscal conservatives have misgivings regarding Perry not because they want jobs in a Romney administration, or not only for that reason, but because they (also?) believe Romney is far better equipped to manage the current financial crisis and guide the country back toward economic health.

Let’s see if we can get to the heart of the matter.  I realize this is going to upset some of my fellow conservatives who read this blog.  But my job here is to speak honestly.  So I’ll be honest with you.  Perry scares me.  He embarrasses me.  He makes me uneasy.

If there’s one thing I have done frequently in my writings on political matters, it’s defending against caricatures.  I’ve rejected the caricature of the Tea Party, rejected the caricature of Sarah Palin, and rejected the caricature of conservative Christians from Christine O’Donnell to Michele Bachmann.  I’m not about to caricature Rick Perry.  He’s no “dominionist,” i.e., someone who believes that Christians should rule (and take by violence, if necessary) all the power centers of society and impose an Old Testament or theocratic law.  That’s rubbish.  And yes, he considers climate change and evolution overhyped and oversold — but so do most Americans.  Those beliefs are not unreasonable in themselves; what matters is the way in which you came to them.

So what concerns me so much about Rick Perry?  He’s a strong proponent of limited government — which I favor.  He’s strongly opposed to abortion — and I am too.  So what’s the problem?  The truth is, I have a hard time defining what I find so unsettling about him.  I’ll try to flesh it out in a series of posts on this blog in the weeks and months to come.  But here are a couple quick thoughts:

1.  Even for a Christian and a conservative like myself, Rick Perry’s brand of god-and-country politics goes too far.  To be sure, he’s no theocrat.  But there is a subtle blurring of the lines between the church and the state amongst Perry and his devotees that could end up greatly damaging the church.  Political leaders cannot be religious leaders.  I do not mean that he cannot pray in public; but Perry managed to position himself as a kind of political, cultural and pseudo-religious savior all at once, someone who would restore small government, a respect for law and life, and a commitment to fundamental Judeo-Christian values and truths.

When church and state grow intertwined, the state always wins, and the church is distorted.  This is because the state appeals to the flesh, appeals to our natural inclinations toward power, fortune and fame.  The church asks you to put these inclinations aside.  When the two enmesh, and the state becomes the means for the church’s ends, then eventually you find religious leaders so thoroughly imbricated in the pursuit of power, fortune and fame that they cannot find their way out.  Another way of putting this is: When the church and state are enmeshed, the church cannot gain the distance it needs to speak prophetically over against the state and the culture it sanctions.  Thus the earlier generation of the Religious Right, when it lost its way, essentially became incapable of criticizing the GOP.  This is not healthy for the church, and it’s not healthy for the state, which always needs a prophetic critique.

I hope my fellow Christians will think long and hard on these things before they support Rick Perry.  There’s a sense of mounting pseudo-messianic expectation around Perry.  He’s happy to accept the religious adulation of conservative Christians, for political purposes.  It’s worrisome.

2.  The world is a complicated place, and Perry sees things too much in black and white.  To be sure, I believe in truth and falsehood, right and wrong.  I never felt that Bush was in the wrong when he called some things good and some things evil.  But how those truths are understood and how those goods are enacted are very complex things.  I’ve seen no evidence so far that Perry understands the world in all its numerous layers of complexity.

This is not to say that he’s unintelligent or foolish.  He is a very accomplished governor.  Fools don’t get that far.  It’s more of a mindset.  Voting for Rick Perry feels like a vote for battling the opposition; it’s putting a bruiser in the ring, someone who will take the fight to the Democrats and then cut loose like a bull in the beltway China shop, breaking up the old Washington order.  And I too feel like we need dramatic change.  But we need exactly the right kinds of changes, in exactly the right order and the right timing and the right modulation.  We are at a delicate moment in our history.  If we mismanage the transformations that we so desperately need right now, we are going to suffer for years, even decades.  I’m not sure that Rick Perry is the right person to manage this tremendously precarious moment in our national history.

A vote for Perry feels destructive — in the best sense, destructive of those things that seem to conservatives like they are the enemies of the state.  A vote for Romney, to me, feels constructive.  I’m open to having my mind changed on this, but Romney communicates the optimism and hope of Reagan, whereas Perry feels like a battleship in the culture war.

I also don’t think that Perry could win.  This is not going to be a cakewalk.  Electability is important.  As the public gets to know Perry better, I firmly believe they’re going to like him less.  And if he did win, would we spend 4-8 years making apologies and explanations for a President who says the Fed chairman is guilty of “treason”?  A guy whose swagger turns off half the country, and half the world?

3.  Finally, this is just an impression, a personal sense, but I feel a kind of falseness to Rick Perry.  There is a kind of performance he presents in order to win the support of the religious right.  And another performance to win the backing of the Tea Party.  This doesn’t mean that he doesn’t believe the things he says he believes.  He almost surely does.  But I think Rick Perry believes, first and foremost, in Rick Perry.  I hate to say this, but in many ways he feels like the mirror image of Barack Obama — a conservative, Texas farmer version of Obama, as far to the Right as Obama is to the Left, as anti-intellectual as Obama is fawningly pro-intellectual, but ultimately shifting and performing in order to advance himself.  There is a kind of arrogance and self-interest in Rick Perry that I think people on both sides of the aisle should be able to recognize.

I realize many people say the same thing about Romney.  But I haven’t seen Romney perform his religious beliefs in the way Perry has performed his.  Maybe Romney has changed his views on a point or two, in part because of political expedience.  But the whole of Perry feels rather like an act.  Friends who know Romney (and know him well) say that he is, through and through, a man of great integrity.  Friends who know Perry (and know him well) say that he is not.  The word “slimy” comes up repeatedly.

Again, I’m just beginning to observe Rick Perry.  As a matter of intellectual integrity, I should keep an open mind.  And I will.  And I’ll write about this more as I sort through my feelings.  But right now I’m not liking what I’m seeing.  Sorry.

Morning Report: The "Socialist" Early Church, Not Supporting Rick Perry, Washington Wealth, and "Submission"

In the News

1.  Important pieces on “twin killings” or (more euphemistically) “reductions” — in which a twin, or two out of three triplets, are killed in the womb so that a mother can have only one child — from William Saletan and our own Nancy French.

2.  Phillip Klein at the Washington Examiner on defending — but not supporting — Rick Perry:

Hearing some of the over-the-top criticisms of Perry coming from the left, not to mention the ridiculous accusations of racism, there’s a conservative reflex kicking in to circle the wagons in his defense, even when he doesn’t deserve it. It’s tempting. The leftist freak out over Perry is so predictable and entertaining at times, that it’s hard to resist the urge. But it’s an urge that conservatives must resist nonetheless.

On many occasions, conservatives have made the mistake of thinking that anybody who drives the left crazy must be “one of us.” This mistake was particularly damaging during the Bush era, when conservatives offered only token opposition when it came to big government policies like No Child Left Behind and the Medicare prescription drug plan.

In other words, “Just because MSNBC’s Ed Schultz hates Perry, it doesn’t mean he’ll make a great president.”

3.  On the extraordinary concentration of wealth in the DC Area.  If you haven’t been a government contractor in recent years, you’ve been missing out.  Sucker.

In the Pews

1.  WAS THE EARLY CHURCH SOCIALIST? In response to a recent piece in the Washington Post claiming that early Christians observed “egalitarian socialism backed by fear of death,” see this piece from Jay Richards and this one from our own David French (and Jordan Sekulow).  The claim that the Acts 2 church lived out socialism is one of those claims that trades on an initial plausibility and our collective aversion to thinking deeply and critically.  Richards writes:

First of all, Marx viewed private property as oppressive, and had a theory of class warfare, in which the workers would revolt against the capitalists-the owners of the means of production-and forcibly take control of private property. After that, Marx thought, private property would be abolished, and the state would own the means of production on behalf of the people. There’s none of this business in the books of Acts. These Christians are selling their possessions and sharing freely.

Second, the state is nowhere in sight. No Roman centurions are breaking down doors and sending Christians to the lions (that was later). No government is confiscating property and collectivizing industry. No one is being coerced. The church in Jerusalem was just that-the church, not the state. The church doesn’t act like the modern communist state.

His third and fourth points are that the Jerusalem church is never made the norm for all Christians everywhere, and indeed that other churches in other places clearly had different arrangements.  The arrangement in Acts 2 was a particular response of a particular people to a particular problem, and it was the church, sharing freely, without any sense of the state enforcing the ‘sharing’ or owning the means of production.  When you think the matter through, then, the notion that “the early church was socialist” rather falls apart.

Or to quote from French and Sekulow:

While the Bible is hardly an economics text, some economic and social themes do endure, and they are incompatible not just with socialism but also many aspects of the modern welfare state.

While the Bible calls us to help the poor, it is also clear that the poor must help themselves to the extent they are able. In 2 Thessalonians 3, Paul warns against idleness and says, “The one who is unwilling to work shall not eat.” In 1 Timothy 5, Paul also declares, “Anyone who does not provide for their relatives, and especially for their own household, has denied the faith and is worse than an unbeliever.” Even inclusion on the widows’ “list” (which entitled widows to receive aid from the church) was conditioned upon age and good conduct.

The requirement that the poor be industrious is also found in the one earthly government that God did explicitly create: Old Testament Israel. In the midst of comprehensive laws that govern everything from religious ritual to sexual conduct to diet comes this instruction: “When you reap the harvest of your land, do not reap to the very edges of your field or gather the gleanings of your harvest. Do not go over your vineyard a second time or pick up the grapes that have fallen. Leave them for the poor and the foreigner.” Not only is private property recognized (“your land”) but the welfare that does exist requires the poor to actually engage in the harvest to collect the gleanings.

2.  The Pope addresses a massive gathering of Catholic youth in Madrid.

3.  Napp Nazworth asks, “Was Bachmann’s Answer on Submission Biblically Correct?”

4.  At The Gospel Coalition, Collin Hansen talks with Wheaton College President Phillip Ryken about the diminishing proportion of men at colleges:

Political Quotes of the Day: Sacred Spending Cows, Rick Perry's God, and Blame the Tea Party

Quotations are offered not because I agree or disagree with them, but as points of departure for continued reflection.

Ed Morrisey (a couple days ago):

There is a lot of anger at the moment in the US over the embarrassment of the downgrade, as well as shock.  I’m most amused by the shock, to tell the truth.  S&P didn’t say anything yesterday that was not common knowledge and common sense.  If you had to rate a potential investment that had an income of, say, $22,000 a year but had costs of $37,000 per year, a standing debt of $143,000, and contracted future debt that exceeded $1 million, would you give that investment a gold-plated AAA rating and buy their bonds at the lowest interest rate possible, or at all?  Of course not, but that’s exactly the fiscal situation of the US, at a 100,000,000:1 scale.

Steven Malanga:

Some of the hyperbolic rhetoric we are now hearing about efforts to trim the deficit is coming from advocacy groups warning that much of our cutting will fall on the poor. These advocates frequently use the plight of the poor to inveigh against cuts in programs that don’t accomplish anything. We spend several billion dollars a year on community development block grants that originated decades ago as naïve, if somewhat well-intentioned efforts to restore declining neighborhoods. Over the years, however, Congress expanded the program to richer communities and gradually made it into a haven for member earmarks. When in 2006 the Bush administration actually proposed refocusing the grants on poor neighborhoods and redesigning them so that groups would need to show some evidence their programs helped ameliorate poverty, the advocacy community and members of Congress in both parties revolted, refusing to consider any such evidenced-based grantmaking.

Some programs are so sacrosanct the media can’t bring itself to confront the evidence that they don’t work. Head Start has been the subject of much study by academics who’ve found the program doesn’t do what it is supposed to, that is, give lower income kids a good educational head start. The government keeps commissioning studies hoping to change that, but when the latest study sponsored by Health and Human Services was released in 2010 again showing there were no lasting educational effects of the program, the media virtually ignored it. And so, $100 billion later, we continue to fund a program that fails to accomplish its purpose.

J.E. Dyer:

Much of what we try to do with government today is an attempt to replicate through human means what God has provided through a relationship with Him. As the Christians for a Sustainable Economy initiative suggested last week, a key question posed in that endeavor is: “Whom shall we indebt?” That is, who is on the hook for the cost of making good on those promises? God holds Himself obligated already, but rather than doing things His way, we make up earthly systems that indenture our fellow men to our needs, preferences, and even caprices.

David Sessions:

Perry and his fellow religious-right candidates for the GOP presidential nomination may genuinely believe their messianic notions are private matters, that they can preach to 30,000 fellow believers about re-installing God as the invisible leader of the nation and still not be seen primarily as prophets of a reactionary political theology. They may be right. Evidence suggests that the mainstream press only comprehends them as kooky, delusional, and perhaps provincial figures, rather than rational actors with ideas fundamentally opposed to liberal democracy. But that is what they are—a reality made all the more tragic by the fact that the contradictions of liberal democracy created them.

Barbara Ehrenreich:

The big question, 10 years later, is whether things have improved or worsened for those in the bottom third of the income distribution, the people who clean hotel rooms, work in warehouses, wash dishes in restaurants, care for the very young and very old, and keep the shelves stocked in our stores. The short answer is that things have gotten much worse, especially since the economic downturn that began in 2008.

Jay Cost:

The recession may be the political fault of George W. Bush, but the Democrats must take the blame for the disappointing recovery, for it was they who had total control of the federal government in 2009 and 2010.

And the Democrats are set to pay for it – big time. Goldman Sachs recently revised its 2012 economic forecast; it now sees growth ranging between 2 percent and 2.5 percent next year, and unemployment edging up to 9.25 percent. If this forecast turns out to be accurate, then Barack Obama will lose next year by a large margin, and scores of congressional Democrats will follow him down to defeat.

So, party leaders are in a full-blown panic, and rightly so. They are desperate to turn the public’s gaze away from their own shortcomings, and no doubt some too-clever-by-half pollster or focus group hack suggested blaming the Tea Party.