{"id":83333,"date":"2022-06-27T03:30:52","date_gmt":"2022-06-27T07:30:52","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.patheos.com\/blogs\/anxiousbench\/?p=83333"},"modified":"2022-06-26T22:02:30","modified_gmt":"2022-06-27T02:02:30","slug":"who-will-bear-the-cost-of-americas-crisis-pregnancies","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.patheos.com\/blogs\/anxiousbench\/2022\/06\/who-will-bear-the-cost-of-americas-crisis-pregnancies\/","title":{"rendered":"Who Will Bear the Cost of America’s Crisis Pregnancies?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<\/head>

Crisis pregnancies have profound human costs.\u00a0 There are life-changing consequences for women who find themselves pregnant with a child they did not anticipate and may not feel equipped to care for.<\/p>\n

\"File:Pregnant-woman.jpg\"<\/p>\n

Roe v. Wade<\/em> suggested one way to manage those costs.\u00a0 Dobbs v. Jackson Women\u2019s Health Organization<\/em> suggested another way.\u00a0 Today, in the immediate aftermath of the Dobbs<\/em> decision, my Twitter feed has been filled with partisans on both sides of the abortion debate expressing either outrage or jubilation at this transfer of costs.\u00a0 Opponents of abortion are delighted that at least in many conservative states, the unborn child will no longer have to bear the cost of a crisis pregnancy.\u00a0 Defenders of a woman\u2019s right to choose are outraged that women in these same states will now have to bear this cost to an even greater degree.\u00a0 Roe v. Wade<\/em> was a landmark women\u2019s rights decision, they believe, and now that it has been rescinded, they are outraged.<\/p>\n

But perhaps neither Roe<\/em> nor Dobbs<\/em> represents a fully Christian way to distribute the human costs associated with crisis pregnancies.\u00a0 And therein lies a dilemma for Christians who want to preserve human life and are unhappy with the results of Roe<\/em> as well as the likely results of Dobbs<\/em>.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Roe v. Wade<\/em><\/strong>\u2019s Transfer of Costs to the Unborn<\/strong><\/p>\n

Roe v. Wade<\/em> \u2013 which was widely supported by liberal Protestants, Jews, and secular Americans \u2013 was based on the premise that it was unjust and unconstitutional for the state to impose the costs of an unwanted pregnancy on the pregnant woman by forcing her to remain pregnant against her will.\u00a0 But, of course, there was still a cost associated with every crisis pregnancy.\u00a0 Who would bear this cost? \u00a0The answer, in the case of pregnancies that ended in abortion, was the fetus.<\/p>\n

Roe<\/em> included a lengthy explanation of why this transfer of cost was not a violation of the fetus\u2019s rights, since, as the Supreme Court\u2019s decision declared, the pre-viable fetus was not a citizen with any constitutional rights.\u00a0 The pregnant woman, on the other hand, did have constitutional rights, and those rights included the right to terminate her pregnancy.<\/p>\n

To pro-choice feminists, this transfer of cost from the woman to the fetus seemed perfectly just.\u00a0 If women were full human beings, pro-choice feminists asked, why should their rights be ignored in favor of the rights of a fetus, whose personhood (especially in the first trimester of pregnancy) was doubtful at best?\u00a0 To do so was a grave violation of women\u2019s most basis rights, they thought.<\/p>\n

In making this claim, they could also point to statistical evidence that showed that single mothers of unwanted children were far less likely to escape poverty than those who did not.\u00a0 The cost of an unwanted child for women included lifelong gender and social inequality.\u00a0 And if this was true on an individual level, it was true of a society as well.\u00a0 Abortion rights \u2013 and abortion access \u2013 were therefore essential foundations of a just and equitable society.\u00a0 The only just way to manage the costs of a crisis pregnancy, therefore, was to transfer those costs to the fetus.\u00a0 Any other option devalued women and prevented women from ever achieving social equality.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Stop Abortion Bans Rally, St. Paul, MN (2019) (Photo by Lorie Shaull)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The more that advocates of reproductive rights championed a woman\u2019s right to equality and bodily autonomy, the more they tended to minimize the life of the fetus.\u00a0 After all, if the fetus was going to have to bear most of the cost of the unwanted pregnancy by being denied a chance to live, discussions of that cost were profoundly uncomfortable.\u00a0 They were much more comfortable talking about the rights of women, but when asked directly about the life of the fetus, abortion rights defenders in the 1970s tended to say that the fetus was not a person and that, in any case, saving a potential child from being born into a situation where it was not wanted was actually an act of mercy.\u00a0 In other words, they minimized the human cost that permissive abortion policies imposed on the fetus.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

The Pro-Life Movement\u2019s Early Vision of Social Help for Women<\/strong><\/p>\n

The pro-life movement was founded on the principle that the fetus was a full human person.\u00a0 If that was the case, it was profoundly immoral and unjust to force the fetus to bear the cost of an unwanted pregnancy by paying with its life.\u00a0 The right to life was so fundamental, pro-lifers thought \u2013 and the fetus (which they considered an \u201cunborn child\u201d) so innocent in the situation \u2013 that it was hard for them to see how anyone could not consider it a grave moral evil to kill a defenseless human being simply for the convenience of someone else or declare that it had no constitutional rights.\u00a0 The abortion rights movement\u2019s attempt to deny the personhood and constitutional rights of the fetus was analogous to the attempt of enslavers to deny the personhood and constitutional rights of Black people in the 19th<\/sup> century, many pro-lifers argued.<\/p>\n

Protection of the right to life for all people \u2013 especially the lives of the defenseless or the marginalized \u2013 was a non-negotiable foundation of a just society, pro-lifers believed.\u00a0 They were aghast that many abortion rights proponents denied or minimized the humanity of the fetus.\u00a0 Didn\u2019t even zygotes and embryos at their earliest stages have a unique genetic code that was distinct from their parents?\u00a0 Were they not unique creations of God, deserving legal and societal protection?\u00a0 The only reason that some people denied the humanity of the fetus, they believed, was that its existence was inconvenient.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Pro-life Demonstration, 1986 (Photo by Nancy Wong)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

In advocating for the rights of the fetus and the value of fetal life, the pro-life movement appealed to some of the same liberal human rights principles that the pro-choice movement did, but pro-lifers also faced an uncomfortable conflict with a principle that in the 1970s was becoming increasingly important to many liberals: women\u2019s equality.<\/p>\n

Pro-lifers who considered themselves feminists insisted that women\u2019s equality was not at stake in the abortion debate.\u00a0 The burdens of unwanted pregnancy could be mitigated with expanded prenatal and maternal healthcare access, along with government-funded childcare and improved adoption policies, many pro-lifers of the early 1970s believed.<\/p>\n

Pro-life movement activists at the time uniformly argued that women should never be punished for abortion, because they saw women who terminated their pregnancies not as aggressors but as victims of the abortion industry and the sexual revolution.\u00a0 Abortion was emotionally and physically costly to women, they believed \u2013 far costlier, in fact, than pregnancy (even unwanted pregnancy) was.\u00a0 In making this claim, they directly disputed the claims of the reproductive rights movement.\u00a0 But in their view, antiabortion activism was a way to protect the rights of both children and women \u2013 or, in the phrase of Dr. Jack Willke and his wife Barbara Willke (some of the most influential pro-life activists of the late 20th<\/sup> century), to \u201clove them both.\u201d<\/p>\n

The Willkes\u2019 Life Issues Institute featured in its entryway a life-sized bronze statue of a gentle-looking, seated Jesus cradling a newborn baby in one arm while also tenderly holding the hand of the child\u2019s young mother.\u00a0 The caption underneath the bronze sculptor, \u201cHe Loves Them Both,\u201d served as a daily reminder of the pro-life center\u2019s mission to protect both women and children.<\/p>\n

\"Statue\"
Life Issues Institute (2001)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

The Pro-Life Movement\u2019s Alliance with Political Conservatism<\/strong><\/p>\n

The pro-life vision of transferring the costs of crisis pregnancies to society rather than solely to individual women was stymied by the political alliances pro-lifers made with the Republican Party.\u00a0 Many of the early pro-life activists were Democrats, but when the Democratic Party became increasingly committed to protecting abortion rights during the late 1970s and 1980s, they turned to the GOP. \u00a0Yet the Republican Party, while becoming increasingly open to the idea of restricting abortion, was opposed to expansions in the social safety net that would have helped lower-income women care for their children.<\/p>\n

Some of the pro-lifers of the mid-1970s, such as Sargent and Eunice Shriver, insisted that the best way to reduce abortion in the aftermath of Roe v. Wade<\/em> was to offer economically disadvantaged women help to carry their pregnancies to term, so that they would not be as likely to seek out abortion services.\u00a0 But the mainstream pro-life movement, led by organizations such as the National Right to Life Committee, rejected this approach and instead focused their entire effort on securing legal restrictions on abortion, even if this required an alliance with a party that rejected the type of help for women that the Shrivers envisioned.<\/p>\n

In fact, nearly all of the political victories that the pro-life movement has gained in the past few decades have attempted to reduce abortion rates by making abortion more difficult to obtain \u2013 that is, by transferring the cost of an unwanted pregnancy onto the pregnant woman until the costs of obtaining an abortion outweigh the perceived costs of raising a child.\u00a0 Whether she keeps the pregnancy or terminates it, a woman in such a situation will have to pay the costs of her pregnancy \u2013 which individualistic-minded conservatives think is fair, since they believe that each person is responsible for their own actions.<\/p>\n

The politically liberal Catholics who led the pro-life movement in its early years did not foresee that their movement would be tied so closely to the politics of individualism, because their entire movement was based on the premise of social responsibility for the less fortunate.\u00a0 But the individualistic politics of modern American conservatism \u2013 which a majority of white evangelicals have endorsed and which has very strong support in the South \u2013 resists this liberal social vision.<\/p>\n

Modern American conservatism has also resisted the feminist movement\u2019s interest in gender equality and social equity.\u00a0 As a result, the abortion opponents who are poised to implement new restrictions on abortion in the next few weeks or months are not particularly bothered by the idea that pregnant women will need to bear the costs of unwanted pregnancies.\u00a0 Indeed, some self-styled \u201cabortion abolitionists\u201d<\/a> are calling for women who get illegal abortions to be punished directly as murderers \u2013 an idea that the pro-life movement has opposed for the last half-century.<\/p>\n

Dobbs<\/em> will give a green light to this political mindset.\u00a0 But despite all of the dire predictions that abortion rights proponents have made, the decision will ratify existing trends more than changing them. \u00a0For the past four decades \u2013 and especially in the last ten years \u2013 abortions have become steadily more difficult to obtain in conservative states and more accessible (and publicly funded) in liberal regions.<\/p>\n

Before this week, for instance, a woman earning $17,000 a year who was 11 weeks pregnant in Los Angeles or New York could obtain a publicly funded abortion in her own city without any mandatory waiting period.\u00a0 If the same woman were in San Antonio, by contrast, she would have had to drive 400 miles to Shreveport, Louisiana, wait 24 hours after an ultrasound at the clinic, go through an abortion counseling session, pay $500 in cash for the abortion (since there are no Medicaid subsidies for most abortions in either Texas or Louisiana), and then drive the 400 miles back to San Antonio.<\/p>\n

Now, because of Dobbs<\/em>, she\u2019ll have to drive an extra 300 miles to get to Albuquerque instead of Shreveport, since the abortion clinics in Louisiana have just closed.\u00a0 That, of course, is an additional inconvenience \u2013 but probably not enough of a change to deter most of the women who would previously have made the financial sacrifice that a long trip to Shreveport required from driving the additional miles to Albuquerque.\u00a0 Thus, the overall effect of this new policy on the abortion rate will probably be very slight.\u00a0 Both before and after Dobbs<\/em>, conservative states forced women facing crisis pregnancies to bear the cost of pregnancy terminations themselves.\u00a0 Dobbs<\/em> has just made this more evident.<\/p>\n

The politically progressive pro-life activists of the early 1970s would not have objected to making abortion more difficult to obtain.\u00a0 In fact, they would have wanted to go much further by including in the law a clear declaration of the high value of fetal life.<\/p>\n

But if their statements about the need to provide financial assistance and an expanded social safety net for women facing crisis pregnancies is any indication, they might have been dismayed to discover that the states that are poised to outlaw abortion this week are also, in some cases, the statements that offer the fewest healthcare benefits to low-income pregnant women.\u00a0 Both Texas and Mississippi \u2013 like Alabama and several other conservative states \u2013 have refused a federal Medicaid expansion that would provide healthcare coverage to women whose income is up to 138 percent of the federal poverty level.\u00a0 So, when a woman in Texas who is earning only $10 an hour gives birth, she\u2019ll likely have to bear the financial and emotional cost of that decision herself; the state will not help her transfer that cost elsewhere.\u00a0 The idea that women who are in the midst of difficult pregnancies are given no social assistance in choosing life for their children would have been deeply disappointing to many of the pro-life activists of half a century ago.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

How Should a Pro-Life Christian Think about This?<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

For those like myself who believe that human life has great value from the moment of conception, Roe v. Wade<\/em>\u2019s attempt to transfer the cost of an unwanted pregnancy onto the fetus was clearly unjust.\u00a0 But the current legal framework, which will force the most economically vulnerable and marginalized women to pay these costs instead does not accord well with the Bible\u2019s hundreds of exhortations to seek justice for the poor.<\/p>\n

Fifty percent of women seeking abortions today are living below the poverty line, and another 25 percent have low incomes that are barely above it.\u00a0 Sixty percent are already mothers of at least one child.\u00a0 They are often struggling to deal with unstable crisis situations that make it difficult for them to welcome another child into their homes without assistance.<\/p>\n

In the political climate that we face today, there is no state that is seriously considering a framework that would provide justice in this situation.\u00a0 Instead, we will be left with some state policies that attempt to keep the framework of Roe v. Wade<\/em> by offering continued legal abortions and giving women the promise of transferring the cost of their crisis pregnancies onto the fetus.\u00a0 Other states will prohibit women from doing that, but at the same time, they will offer little help in bearing the costs these women will incur by giving birth to a child.<\/p>\n

\"File:Pro-life-march.png\"
Pro-life Demonstration, Washington, DC (2018) (Wikimedia Commons \/ FamilyMan88)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

No matter where we live, then, those of us who value both women and children will have to help bear these costs.\u00a0 It\u2019s more important now than ever to do what we can through both public policy and private charity to create a culture of life that will also empower women.\u00a0 Roe v. Wade<\/em> did not do that.\u00a0 Dobbs v. Jackson Women\u2019s Health Organization<\/em> did not really do that either.\u00a0 But perhaps in the aftermath of this decision, those of us who care about human life can resurrect the approach of the early pro-lifers and insist that when it comes to crisis pregnancies, children should not bear the costs, and neither should pregnant women be forced to bear those costs alone.<\/p>\n<\/body><\/html>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Crisis pregnancies have profound human costs.\u00a0 There are life-changing consequences for women who find themselves pregnant with a child they did not anticipate and may not feel equipped to care for. Roe v. Wade suggested one way to manage those costs.\u00a0 Dobbs v. Jackson Women\u2019s Health Organization suggested another way.\u00a0 Today, in the immediate aftermath […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4378,"featured_media":83336,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-83333","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"yoast_head":"\nWho Will Bear the Cost of America's Crisis Pregnancies? 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