Democracy was born in ancient Athens. 2,500 years ago, around the turn from the 5th to the 4th century B.C.E., when\u00a0revolts against the rule of tyrants gave people (\u03b4\u03b7\u03bc\u03bf<\/i>\/d\u0113mo\u2013<\/i>) the power (\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03af\u03b1<\/i>\/-kratia) to rule<\/b>. Those uprisings gave us the word democracy (\u03b4\u03b7\u03bc\u03bf-\u03ba\u03c1\u03b1\u03c4\u03af\u03b1\/d\u0113mo-krat\u00eda) (Crick<\/span><\/a> 14). But beyond that basic definition of \u201crule by the people,\u201d we need to be honest that democracy is a word that is widely used and abused. Indeed, democracy is an example of what philosophers call \u201can essentially contested concept\u201d with a lot of different people\u00a0deploying it for a wide array of different purposes (1).<\/p>\n One of the clearest examples is the track record of military dictators coopting the term democracy<\/b> to describe their regime. Here\u2019s a few quick examples from the past century:<\/span><\/p>\n I\u2019ve taken the time to quickly run through these examples because there is an important pattern of authoritarian dictators perverting the word democracy<\/b> for their own selfish ends. They know the power of the word democracy. They know the appeal of making people feel like they are powerful. So they exploit the word democracy as part of their propaganda. <\/span><\/p>\n As the saying goes, \u201c<\/b>When fascism comes to America, it will come wrapped in a flag and carrying a cross<\/b><\/span><\/a>.\u201d<\/b> In other words, any would-be authoritarian seeking to consolidate power unconstitutionally in our country will almost definitely exploit religion and patriotism as propaganda to further their cause.<\/span><\/p>\n However, the most troubling part is not<\/i> the cynical truth that \u201cnearly all contemporary political regimes, no matter how repressive, claim to be democracies of some sort\u201d\u2014because, of course, narcissistic demagogues lie, cheat, and steal to amass ever-greater power to the extent that we let them get away with it. The truly troubling part is that a disturbing percentage of their citizens believe their propaganda<\/b>: <\/span><\/p>\n Perceptions of democratic reality are surprisingly robust in such unlikely places as Rwanda, Malaysia, and Kazakhstan. Even Chinese respondents were virtually indistinguishable from Americans, not only in their enthusiasm for democracy as an ideal but also in their assessment of how democratically their own country is currently being governed. (Achen\/Bartels<\/span><\/a> 5-6)<\/span><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n This ease with which people can be manipulated has led some people to be against<\/i> democracy.<\/span><\/p>\n Most famously, the ancient Greek philosopher Plato (c. 427 \u2013 c. 347 B.C.E.), whose lifetime spanned the coining of the term democracy, was not a fan. He thought \u201cwe the people\u201d were often less like informed citizens and more like a mob, \u201cselfish, fickle, and inconsistent.\u201d<\/b> He favored an aristocracy<\/i>: rule by an educated elite\u2014specifically by a \u201cphilosopher king\u201d\u2014which conveniently would put people like himself in charge (Crick 1).<\/span><\/p>\n In recent weeks, we have looked back on both the 100th Anniversary of the Russian Revolution<\/a> and the 500th Anniversary of the Protestant Reformation<\/a> to consider some of the major unintended consequences that result from those events\u2014consequences that were far different (and often far more dire) than anything their leaders intended or could have predicted.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n Democracy has also had its share of unintended consequences. Consider this passage from the philosopher Adam Kotsko<\/span><\/a>:<\/span><\/p>\n Liberal democracy can easily give way to dictatorship, even with the constitution being formally in force. <\/b>We know that liberal democracy is compatible with chattel slavery and racial discrimination \u2014 and indeed that the first modern democratic republic ever established, the United States, spent over half a century with a significant enslaved population and a further century with a disenfranchised population subject to mob violence. Liberal democracy is compatible with the equivalent of secret police, with extra-legal assassinations, with undeclared wars of aggression, with vast and increasing economic inequality, with mass unemployment and homelessness, with child poverty and hunger, with a huge prison population resulting from a racist approach to law enforcement, with essential public functions being handed over to private individuals for private gain, etc., etc., etc.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n Part of the point here is that \u201cpower to the people\u201d is a necessary, but not sufficient condition for collective liberation in which we truly have \u201cpeace, liberty, and justice\u201d for all<\/i><\/b>\u2014not merely for some. There are additional factors needed to give \u201cwe the people\u201d the greatest likelihood of\u00a0wielding\u00a0our power wisely.<\/span><\/p>\n For instance, it is helpful to remind ourselves occasionally of what happened over the course of three crucial months, less than a hundred years ago in Europe. On January 30, 1933, Adolf Hitler was democratically<\/em> appointed to be chancellor of Germany. One month later on February 27, the Reichstag (the home of the German parliament) was burned down. This \u201cterrorist event\u201d (which may actually have been an act of arson by the Nazis themselves) was used as an excuse to suspend civil liberties, including freedom of the press and freedom of association. <\/b>Another month later on March 23, the Enabling Act paved the way for the German Chancellor to be declared F\u00fchrer (\u201cLeader\u201d) and for the Weimar Republic to devolve into a one-party dictatorship (Passmore<\/span><\/a> 67-68). <\/span><\/p>\n You know how we talk about not \u201cenabling\u201d an addict? Well, the \u201cEnabling Act\u201d is a literal example of enabling<\/i> a dictator to violate democratic norms. And part of how Germany has responded longterm to that catastrophic series of events is that today \u201cThe German constitution forbids the formation of antidemocratic parties\u2026and governments have been prepared to ban fascist organizations\u201d<\/b> (Passmore 91). That means it is unconstitutional in Germany to usurp power in a way that removes accountability from the \u201cconsent of the governed.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n As historian Mark Bray has written in his important new book, Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook<\/span><\/a>, vigilance is needed to protect democratic and constitutional norms because:<\/span><\/p>\n It doesn\u2019t take that many fascists to make fascism<\/b>\u2026. When Mussolini was appointed prime minister in 1922 only about 7 to 8 percent of the Italian population, and only thirty-five of the more than five hundred members of parliament belonged to his National Fascist Party\u2026. When Hitler was appointed chancellor in 1933, only about 1.3 percent of the population belonged to the National Socialist German Workers\u2019 Party. (140)<\/span><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n I am not making a blanket endorsement of <\/span>Antifa<\/span>, but I do recommend Bray\u2019s book as a helpful historical overview of resistance movements against fascism. And if you are looking for a guide to tracking violations of our democratic and constitutional norms, I recommend Bright Line Watch (<\/b>brightlinewatch.org<\/b><\/span><\/a>), a network of political scientists monitoring our country\u2019s \u201cdemocratic practices, their resilience, and potential threats.\u201d<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n Now, in my remaining time, I would like to say a little more about practicing and protecting democracy for such a time as this by inviting us to consider three final angles: (1) realism, (2) pragmatism, and (3) hope. First: realism<\/i>. One of the most fascinating and disturbing books that I read after our recent presidential election is <\/b>Democracy for Realists<\/b><\/span><\/a> (Princeton University Press 2016). <\/b><\/span><\/p>\n In contrast to the democratic ideals about engaged citizens creating a government \u201cof the people, by the people, and for the people,\u201d the social scientists who co-wrote Democracy for Realists<\/span><\/a> show clear evidence that \u201cthe great majority of citizens pay little attention to politics.\u201d <\/b>Instead of having a lot of free time to carefully weigh evidence, people are busy. When election day arrives, rather than being led primarily by reason, studies show that most people \u201care swayed by how they feel<\/i> about \u2018the nature of the times,\u2019 especially the current state of the economy\u201d\u2014which may not correspond to the actual state of the economy\u2014 and \u201cby political loyalties typically acquired in childhood\u201d (Achen\/Bartels 1). <\/span><\/p>\n In my tradition of Unitarian Universalism, our Fifth Principle i<\/a>s\u00a0<\/span>\u201cThe right of conscience and the use of the democratic process within our congregations and in society at large.\u201d<\/b>\u00a0If we were to collectively live into these and other democratic ideals, we would need to cultivate many factors not currently present in this country:<\/span><\/p>\n Tragically, \u201cNo existing government comes close to meeting these criteria.\u201d Moreover, given the limitations of human nature arguably \u201cno possible government could\u201d achieve these criteria on any sort of large scale (Achen\/Bartels 7).<\/span><\/p>\n Now, that\u2019s a heavy dose of realism<\/i>. What about pragmatism<\/i> and hope? Well, pragmatism is about \u201cwhat works.\u201d So what might work to make our society more democratic? Here are three specific ideas from experts:<\/span><\/p>\n Now, I could list many more examples all day of what we could do: pass a Constitutional Amendment overturning Citizens United, get rid of the racist Electoral College, or create a constitutional Right to Vote. But the point is not only dreaming about change, but also turning our dreams into deeds. <\/span><\/p>\n I will readily grant that \u201cpower to the people\u201d has not always gone well in our democracy. Sometimes the people have chosen poorly and been swayed by con men, hucksters, snake oil salesmen, and demagogues. However, there is also a strong history in our country of the people wielding their power for justice and sometimes succeeding against stunning odds:<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n We need to remind ourselves sometimes of historic successes in the movement for social justice because, \u201cIt\u2019s not a huge challenge that kills the human spirit. What most defeats us is feeling useless\u2026.\u00a0 <\/span>A sense of futility is what destroys us<\/b>\u201d (4).<\/span><\/p>\n So as we discern what actions we might take, individually and collectively in the coming weeks, months, and years, to strengthen our democracy, past successes can embolden us to realize that more is possible than we realize. Consider that, \u201cB<\/span>efore they happened, what odds would anyone have given to:\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n The co-authors of Daring Democracy<\/i> conclude that, \u201cDespair itself is ultimately our only enemy, and we\u2019ve become evermore clear that there\u2019s an effective antidote: meaningful action we take together (162).<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n The Rev. Dr. Carl Gregg is a certified spiritual director, a D.Min. graduate of San Francisco Theological Seminary,\u00a0and the minister of the\u00a0Unitarian Universalist Congregation of Frederick<\/a>, Maryland.\u00a0Follow him on\u00a0Facebook<\/a>\u00a0(facebook.com\/carlgregg) and\u00a0Twitter<\/a>\u00a0(@carlgregg).<\/em><\/p>\n\n
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<\/a>And on turning our dreams into reality, I want to leave you with a note of hope<\/i>. Two years ago at the annual UU General Assembly, delegates selected \u201cThe Corruption of Our Democracy\u201d as\u00a0our association\u2019s\u00a0current four-year (2016-2020 ) Congregational Study\/Action Issue<\/span><\/a> (CSAI). As part of that, one of two \u201cCommon Reads\u201d selected for all UUs to consider reading in this current year is Daring Democracy: Igniting Power, Meaning, and Connection for the America We Want<\/span><\/a> by Frances Moore Lappe and Adam Eichen (Beacon Press, 2017). In the spirit of full disclosure, I would much more strongly recommend that you first check out the other UU Common Read, <\/b>Centering: Navigating Race, Authenticity, and Power in Ministry<\/b><\/span><\/a>. <\/i><\/b>But there are two passages in particular that I would highlight from Daring Democracy<\/i>.<\/span><\/p>\n\n
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