[This article has been adapted from a paper delivered at the 2014 American Academy of Religion Annual Meeting, 24th Nov. 2014]<\/i><\/span><\/p>\n Following Bush\u2019s consecutive victories in 2000 and 2004 the Christian right have been labeled the \u2018backbone\u2019 and \u2018base\u2019 behind the Republican Party\u2019s electoral successes.[1] Evangelical born-again Christians constitute around 26% of the US electorate according the latest Pew Research poll, of whom three-quarters consistently vote Republican.[2] For forty years the considerable convening power of these faithful conservatives have made them an attractive constituency for Republicans to court. Aligning with their social and cultural concerns, this relationship has generated a distinguishing feature amongst Western politics, the American \u2018values voter\u2019. The issues that stir Christian conservatives are well known as they are often at odds with the secular-liberal trend of American society, generating the \u201cculture-war\u201d. These hot-button social, cultural and religious issues, or as Senator Danforth labels them \u2018wedge issues\u2019, cleave American society into one camp and another. They include opposition to abortion, stem-cell research and homosexual marriage, efforts to make Christianity \u2018visible\u2019 in courthouses and schools with attempts to display the Ten Commandments, teaching intelligent design and creationism in public high schools and universities as equally valid theories to evolution, opposing \u2018Big\u2019 government, most notably the 2010 Affordable Care Act (or \u2018ObamaCare\u2019), deficit spending and the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), demanding a \u2018righteous government and judiciary\u2019, opposing the decline of the traditional nuclear family amongst many others.[3] Equally well versed (amongst academics who follow the social movement) is the narrative of GOP-Christian right relations.<\/p>\n Whether the Bush era should be cited as another religious awakening in American politics as Linker and Laderman argue is debatable. Given the rise of the \u2018Nones\u2019, America\u2019s declining religiosity and embrace of secular mores, aligning the Bush years to previous awakenings such as the Fundamentalist 1920s seems to stretch a point. Less contested is how the GOP and Christian right\u2019s co-dependency is inflated by the academy\u2019s boilerplate repetition, a noise that gives the constituency\u2019s narrow vision for America credence, legitimating in part the increasingly dualistic nature of America\u2019s religious politics, furthering the simplistic partisan binary, and the lexis of cultural warfare.<\/p>\n Commonly overlooked in this narrative however, is the generation game, that GOP-Christian right relations are based on the interactions of baby boomers. As the millennials (or Generation Y) take the wheel, so too should we update our views on this relationship that many have taken for granted.[10] Taking inspiration from Lindsay\u2019s seminal work, \u2018Faith in the Halls of Power: How Evangelicals Joined the American Elite\u2019 (2007), that traced the rise of evangelical power in government through their Republican partners, and their increasing command and control of business, entertainment and law;this paper looks to developments within Christian higher education.[11] In particular it looks at the views of fifty millennial students in 2013 from five Christian conservative colleges in America\u2019s Mid-West and North-East, to discover their politics, and to review whether republicanity amongst millennial Christians is quite the foregone conclusion it is made out to be.<\/p>\n