In my last post, I pointed to the very weak pro-life protections built into the Republican Medicare Advantage program, which was supported by the National Right to Life Committee. I showed that at least some participants in this program are advertizing the fact that they are going beyond the restrictions of traditional Medicare and offering elective abortion.
But a broader point can be made. As my friend Kurt notes in the comments, a key issue is that the pro-life movement is holding the Democratic healthcare reform law to a far higher standard than any previous legislation – of either party – when it comes to the proximity of federal funds to abortion.
Let me give a couple of examples on top of Medicare Advantage. Remember the community health centers, which the pro-life movement likened (with zero evidence) to abortion factories? Well, the stimulus bill gave $2 billion to the community health centers, and nobody raised abortion. The stimulus bill also provided a 65 percent subsidy for COBRA premiums of unemployed workers. COBRA, of course, allows laid off workers to retain their employer-based insurance for a certain period, but the costs are often prohibitive. Yet again, this is a federal subsidy of private insurance plans could very well offer elective abortion. Not only was there no outrage, but the USCCB fully supported the extension of COBRA – even writing a letter saying it preferred 12 months to 9 months.
I’m not saying any of this was wrong. But it certainly means the goalposts have shifted. And they shifted because the National Right to Life Committee has always opposed universal healthcare. And to whip up support, they need to rely on phony outrage. I’ve said it before, and I’ll say it again – the great tragedy is that the USCCB followed their lead, and in doing so, contradicted some of its previous positions.
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