July 28, 2017

What Is an “Evangelical” and Does It Matter?

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One of the best articles I have read about these questions appears in the current issue of Christian Scholar’s Review (XLVI:4 Summer 2017). The author is the late Stephen V. Monsma, a well-known and very influential evangelical scholar. The title of the article is “What Is an Evangelical? And Does It Matter?” (pp. 323-340) In the article the author addresses the current confusion about the terms “evangelical” and “evangelicalism” and offers his own approach to defining them. He also explains why it matters.

You can obtain a copy of the article by ordering a single copy of the issue from CSR’s web site (www.csreview.org) or by ordering a copy of the article from your local library. If you teach at or know someone who teaches at one of the fifty Christian liberal arts colleges and universities that support CSR you should have no trouble obtaining a copy. Each issue of CSR is sent free of charge to all faculty members at those institutions. I was editor of CSR from 1994 to 1999.

Let me jump to the end of the article where Monsma explains why this matters. The final section of the article is entitled “Does Any of this Matter?” (Of course, I have been asked that numerous times as I have insisted here and elsewhere that it does matter.) According to Monsma, and I agree, “Evangelicalism, properly understood and defined, is a deeper, broader, richer Christian tradition within Protestantism than many are led to believe by the way it is often conceptualized and analyzed by today’s researchers.” (339)

Monsma lived through the 2016 U.S. presidential election and was clearly dismayed, as I was (and am) by the politicizing of the concept “evangelical” by the media and by many researchers. Much of Monsma’s ire, though, was stirred up by the so-called RELTRAD (religious tradition) approach that he says “has been widely accepted and used by many research organizations and scholars.” The RELTRAD measure identifies individuals as evangelical (or not) by their membership (or not) in specific Christian denominations and churches. According to Monsma, this approach excludes African-American denominations and churches, thus excluding African-American individuals from being evangelical, and it misses the many evangelical individuals who are members of denominations and churches not considered evangelical by the RELTRAD measure. Monsma states that “surveys have found that 15 to 20 percent of the members of mainline denominations are evangelical in terms of beliefs or by self-identification.” These are missed entirely by researchers using the RELTRAD measure.

*Sidebar: The opinions expressed here are my own (or those of the guest writer); I do not speak for any other person, group or organization; nor do I imply that the opinions expressed here reflect those of any other person, group or organization unless I say so specifically. Before commenting read the entire post and the “Note to commenters” at its end.*

Monsma describes three ways in which evangelicalism has been conceptualized. The first is as a social movement within Protestant Christianity focused on doctrinal and spiritual renewal. This concept tends to trace evangelicalism to pietism and revivalism. The second is as a distinct emphasis on orthodox Protestant doctrine in contrast to the doctrinal drift and decline in Protestantism as a result of modernity. The third is as “a tradition within Protestant Christianity.” This third approach focuses on evangelicalism as “a social group manifesting an organic character bound together by social ties and organizational alliances.” Monsma admits this is a “murky” category but regards it as a very common approach to defining “evangelical” by tying it to denominations and organizations such as the National Association of Evangelicals (NAE).

A problem with all three approaches is neglect if not total exclusion of African-Americans.

So, Monsma offers “a better way” by conceptualizing evangelicalism as a religious grouping or category emerging from three historical movements “each of which contribute to or reinforce what today is evangelicalism.” (335) The three streams are 1) the Protestant Reformation of the 16th century, 2) the renewal and revival movements of the 18th and 19th centuries, and 3) efforts that reemphasized and defended traditional, orthodox Protestant Christian teachings. (335)

I would like to offer a “better better way” than Monsma’s. As I have said here and elsewhere (as often and emphatically as possible) evangelicalism is not a movement or group but a spiritual-theological ethos marked by David Bebbington’s four hallmarks (viz., biblicism, conversionism, crucicentrism, activism) plus deep respect for orthodox Christianity as expressed by the earliest Christian creeds and councils and by the Protestant reformers.

I do not see how Monsma’s “better way” succeeds in including African-American evangelicals (and in my opinion and seemingly his as well many African-Americans are evangelicals even if they do not use that terminology). To me, “evangelical” refers to a distinct but also broad and variegated theological-spiritual ethos that has given rise to movements and social groups but is not identical with any of them.

I would also like to add to Monsma’s reasons why it matters. As I have said here before, many American institutions, churches, organizations, publishers, etc., call themselves evangelical and will not consider hiring anyone who is not evangelical. Being evangelical is a litmus test for getting hired and sometimes for getting published. Whether people like it or not, there is a very large, sometimes rich, variegated but also relatively united evangelical affinity group in America. They engage in family quarrels, but they care about their identity. People who say “Nope; I’m not an evangelical” are unlikely to be allowed to participate in the family. They may be viewed as black sheep of the family, and thus still in some sense part of the family, but they will not get hired or be given significant roles in the operations of the “family.”

So how is this “family” identified? That is what Monsma wrote about. It is what I write about. For me, the litmus test is leaning into and living out of the evangelical theological-spiritual ethos. It has nothing whatever to do with politics. That is an invention of the media (with the help of some Republican evangelicals who care as much about being Republican as being evangelical).

*Note to commenters: This blog is not a discussion board; please respond with a question or comment only to me. If you do not share my evangelical Christian perspective (very broadly defined), feel free to ask a question for clarification, but know that this is not a space for debating incommensurate perspectives/worldviews. In any case, know that there is no guarantee that your question or comment will be posted by the moderator or answered by the writer. If you hope for your question or comment to appear here and be answered or responded to, make sure it is civil, respectful, and “on topic.” Do not comment if you have not read the entire post and do not misrepresent what it says. Keep any comment (including questions) to minimal length; do not post essays, sermons or testimonies here. Do not post links to internet sites here. This is a space for expressions of the blogger’s (or guest writers’) opinions and constructive dialogue among evangelical Christians (very broadly defined).

January 26, 2017

Can African-Americans Be “Evangelicals?”

Recently I discovered that many pollsters taking surveys of adult Americans and who ask questions about people’s religious identities automatically assume, as a matter of governing policy, that African-Americans cannot be “evangelicals.” Furthermore, this trickles down to them from the movers and shakers of American sociology of religion who, generally speaking, categorize American’s religious identities such that “evangelical” cannot include African-Americans.

(I discovered that in a major survey of American religious identities survey-takers asked people if they consider themselves “evangelical or born again.” But they only asked that of white people, not of African-Americans. My guess is that IF they asked that of most African-Americans they would hear a resounding “yes” to the question.)

*Sidebar: The opinions expressed here are my own (or those of the guest writer); I do not speak for any other person, group or organization; nor do I imply that the opinions expressed here reflect those of any other person, group or organization unless I say so specifically. Before commenting read the entire post and the “Note to commenters” at its end.*

Now, admittedly, if you ask most African-American Protestant Christians, most of whom are some variation of Baptist, Methodist or Pentecostal, if they are “evangelical” (without the “born again” phrase) they will say they are not. But the same is true of most moderate-to-progressive Baptists, Methodists and Pentecostals (to say nothing of other traditions that include many evangelical believers). And I think it would be true of many Southern Baptists whose denomination (the SBC) long denied being “evangelical”—thinking of that label as a “Yankee label.” But when survey takers add the “born again” phrase most Southern Baptists will say yes.

Who is deciding the meaning of “evangelical?” Who should be deciding the meaning of “evangelical?”

Well, clearly there are different definitions of the label. I define it historically-theologically and spiritually (as do two of the top expert-scholars of evangelicalism David Bebbington and Mark Noll). As I have said here and everywhere I can (most recently at the national annual meeting of the American Society of Church Historians), historically the word points to and names a theological-spiritual ethos, not a particular socio-political-class movement. That ethos is stamped, so to speak, by Protestant Pietism and Revivalism as well as by Protestant Orthodoxy. Its prototypes are Jonathan Edwards and John Wesley—both born in 1703—although it had precursors and includes people who would not even know who Edwards and Wesley were let alone consider them their spiritual ancestors.

Throughout the 19th century especially, African-Americans, by and large, were influenced by the Second Great Awakening which carried forward the Pietist-Revivalist and orthodox ethos of Edwards and Wesley (and their ilk). Numerous African-American denominations arose during that century (and more in the 20th century) and most of them were very strongly stamped by Pietism-Revivalism and were also doctrinal orthodox (Nicene).

The question this raises is: Is a philosophy, theology or spirituality defined by those who claim its label? The tendency to treat perception as reality and to define philosophies and theologies by the people who happen to claim them, regardless of history, is, in my opinion, evidence of nominalism. Eventually nothing really means anything; everything becomes a matter of opinion. “Name it and claim it” is a pejorative phrase some people use to describe the “Prosperity Gospel,” but it could also describe the popular tendency in America today to define concepts and categories by the dispositions, beliefs and attitudes of those who claim them as their identities. This would not be so wrong were it not that most people know almost nothing about the history of ideas. If their favorite radio talk show host claims to be “conservative,” then they can rightly claim also to be “conservative”—even if their favorite radio talk show host is an out-and-out libertarian or populist. (Yes, I know, these can be overlapping concepts and categories, but, generally speaking, they are distinct ones. Being libertarian does not automatically make one conservative. In fact, it could make one “classically liberal!”)

I would venture to suggest that MOST African-American Christians ARE evangelical in terms of their theological-spiritual ethos. But sociologists of religion arbitrarily decide that they cannot be “evangelical” because “evangelical” means (to the sociologists of religion and survey-takers who work for them or are trained by them) “white, middle class, conservative Protestant who claim to be ‘born again’” including, for example, proponents of the Prosperity Gospel (something the vast majority of real evangelical theologians and leaders reject as heresy!).

At the very least, I suggest, sociologists of religion and survey-takers ought to take into account the possibility that African-American Christians can be evangelical and not simply relegate them from the outset from that category. And if I had my way (which I know I never will) sociologists or religion and survey-takers ought to do more than approach research subjects with preconceived definitions of religious categories that have little or nothing to do with history, theology and spirituality.

*Note to commenters: This blog is not a discussion board; please respond with a question or comment solely to me. If you do not share my evangelical Christian perspective (very broadly defined), feel free to ask a question for clarification, but know that this is not a space for debating incommensurate perspectives/worldviews. In any case, know that there is no guarantee that your question or comment will be posted by the moderator or answered by the writer. If you hope for your question or comment to appear here and be answered or responded to, make sure it is civil, respectful, and “on topic.” Do not comment if you have not read the entire post and do not misrepresent what it says. Keep any comment (including questions) to minimal length; do not post essays, sermons or testimonies here. Do not post links to internet sites here. This is a space for expressions of the blogger’s (or guest writers’) opinions and constructive dialogue among evangelical Christians (very broadly defined).

 

December 1, 2016

What Makes Someone an “Evangelical?”

(This is an op-ed piece I wrote for the Waco Tribune-Herald that was published on its editorial page in July, 2016. I republish it here with the newspaper’s permission)

Twice I saw the word “evangelical” on the July 20th editorial page of the Tribune-Herald. Both times, as often in the media, the word was associated with right-wing politics of a fairly extreme kind.

Kudos to the Trib’s editors who qualified the association referring to “disgruntled Americans, especially white conservatives, many of whom imagine themselves evangelicals” (italics added).

I want people to know what “evangelical” means and does not mean. I, for example, am theologically and spiritually an evangelical Christian and have been my whole life. Politically and economically, however, I am and have long been progressive.

Sidebar: The opinions expressed here are my own (or those of the guest writer); I do not speak for any other person, group or organization; nor do I imply that the opinions expressed here reflect those of any other person, group or organization unless I say so specifically. Before commenting read the entire post and the “Note to commenters” at its end.*

Historically and theologically there is no connection between evangelicalism and any certain political affiliation or economic orientation. Also, historically and theologically, at least since World War 2, there has been and still is a difference between fundamentalism and evangelicalism. Unfortunately for many of us moderate evangelicals, many fundamentalists have manipulated the media to call them evangelicals.

I attended a mainstream, “middle of the road” evangelical seminary in the 1970s. There I learned the differences between being “evangelical” and being “fundamentalist.” Evangelicals, for example, whole heartedly supported the ministry of Billy Graham; fundamentalists criticized him for his strong commitments to racial integration, ecumenical cooperation and broad vision of evangelical Christianity.

I well remember the shock I felt when I first heard evangelist Jerry Falwell refer to himself and his followers as “evangelicals.” Falwell had been among the fundamentalist critics of Billy Graham. Then television talk show hosts like Phil Donahue began treating Falwell and his ilk as paragons of and spokesmen for American evangelicalism.

I am and always have been a proud, committed, “card carrying” evangelical, but I cast my first presidential vote for liberal third party candidate John Anderson of Illinois—an evangelical. Although I could never cast a vote for him, I considered progressive Oregon senator Mark Hatfield, also an evangelical, a hero.

So what makes me evangelical? I believe in the inspiration of the Bible as God’s Word written. I believe every true Christian has had a “born again experience” whether they know it or not. I believe in taking the good news of Jesus Christ to the whole world through missions and evangelism. I believe Jesus’s atoning death on the cross is the only reason anyone can be saved. These are the hallmarks of evangelicalism; among them is no political orientation or commitment.

Let me put it this way. Even if all who call themselves “evangelical” should become vegetarians, vegetarianism would not become a hallmark of evangelicalism. Evangelicalism is a spiritual-theological ethos, not whatever the majority of people who “imagine themselves evangelicals” happen to believe or do.

The evangelical spiritual-theological ethos has deep roots in especially Protestant pietism and revivalism; it is identifiable in individuals, churches and parachurch organizations by its historical-theological hallmarks, not by self-proclaimed spokespersons who wish to highjack it for profit or political gain.

*Note to commenters: This blog is not a discussion board; please respond with a question or comment solely to me. If you do not share my evangelical Christian perspective (very broadly defined), feel free to ask a question for clarification, but know that this is not a space for debating incommensurate perspectives/worldviews. In any case, know that there is no guarantee that your question or comment will be posted by the moderator or answered by the writer. If you hope for your question or comment to appear here and be answered or responded to, make sure it is civil, respectful, and “on topic.” Do not comment if you have not read the entire post and do not misrepresent what it says. Keep any comment (including questions) to minimal length; do not post essays, sermons or testimonies here. Do not post links to internet sites here. This is a space for expressions of the blogger’s (or guest writers’) opinions and constructive dialogue among evangelical Christians (very broadly defined).

 

September 25, 2016

Review of Evangelicalism in America by Randall Balmer

I consider Randall Balmer a friend; I hope we will still be friends after I publish this review of his most recent book which is scheduled to “hit the bookstore shelves” (meaning “be available for purchase by the general public”) on October 1 this year (2016). I also hope to remain friends with my friends at Baylor University Press.

*Sidebar: The opinions expressed here are my own (or those of the guest writer); I do not speak for any other person, group or organization; nor do I imply that the opinions expressed here reflect those of any other person, group or organization unless I say so specifically. Before commenting read the entire post and the “Note to commenters” at its end.*

It might help if I begin by saying how much I respect both Randall and BUP. And I just like Randall—as a person. He’s a very neat guy and we have so much in common. (Randall’s father and my father were both evangelical pastors in the same city many years ago and we then had at least one friend in common. Also, Randall has a “lover’s quarrel” with his evangelical upbringing as do I. And we agree on many aspects of that love and that quarrel.)

I first became personally acquainted with Randall when I read his book Mine Eyes Have Seen the Glory: A Journey into the Evangelical Subculture (Oxford University Press, 1989) and watched the PBS documentary based on the book. I literally cried at some points in that viewing! This was my extended family—what he called “the evangelical subculture” in America. And, like him, I have long had very mixed feelings about it.

In some ways I feel like American evangelicalism has left me while I refuse to leave it. That’s called “inner exile” (in the inimitable words of a former college president under whom I worked and taught for many years). “Inner exile” means you can’t bring yourself to leave a community but realize it has ostracized you to the point that you never feel really comfortable in it.

In a mood of deep introspection I have to admit that possibly all my main criticisms of Randall’s most recent book—Evangelicalism in America—arise from the emotional level. I have some quibbles about his uses of some terms such as “Arminian,” but overall I feel that if I had the knowledge and scholarly expertise in the subject Randall has, I could have written a very similar book.

Now, a brief overview of the book itself. In many ways it overlaps with an earlier book of Randall’s also published by BUP: The Making of Evangelicalism: From Revivalism to Politics and Beyond (2010). I reviewed that for Books and Culture but I’m not sure if the review was ever published. (I write many book reviews for publications but rarely check to see if they are ever published.) However, in spite of that overlap in content, Evangelicalism in America is a bigger and, I judge, better book than The Making of Evangelicalism. So if you have read the latter, that doesn’t mean you shouldn’t read the former. There is much more material in it.

Evangelicalism in America is not a calm, cool, “objective” look at evangelicalism in America. There’s lots of information in it—about the movement’s beginnings, theology, leaders, etc. But the book is a diatribe against what Balmer regards as American evangelicalism’s triumphalism in the public arena of politics and the so-called “culture wars.”

Here is the underlying narrative. Evangelical Christianity was born in the fires of pietism and revivalism. I was very strongly marked by the first and second “Great Awakenings.” During the 19th century American evangelicalism was a strongly reformist impulse with regard to race and sex. Even the temperance movement was a progressive social movement because of the damage alcohol did to families and especially women and children (through their husbands’ and fathers’ frequent inebriation and abuse). Balmer rightly notes that even “The Great Commoner” politician William Jennings Bryan, so vilified by historians because of his poor performance at the Scopes “Monkey Trial” in Dayton, Tennessee (1925), was actually a social and political progressive.

Then, to continue this general overview of Balmer’s narrative, something changed within American evangelicalism. First it turned away from social and political progressivism and toward an otherworldly focus. According to Balmer, the fault there lay in the rise of premillennialism to replace postmillennialism within the American evangelical movement. Of course he notes other causes, too. Eventually, American evangelicalism turned into fundamentalism and became mean-spirited, overly dogmatic, separatistic and created its own separate culture within America. The ethos of that fundamentalist subculture of the middle of the 20th century was what Fuller Seminary president E. J. Carnell called “orthodoxy gone cultic.” (Not in Balmer’s book, but the quote fits Balmer’s description of mid-20th century fundamentalism well.)

A major part of Balmer’s narrative about American evangelicalism is his account of how the movement succumbed in the 1970s and 1980s to the temptations of power politics and took on a triumphalistic approach to government that included, among other things, a strongly anti-women’s liberation stance. Balmer has an axe to grind against not only the so-called Religious Right but the broader evangelical alignment with conservative causes. He is angry about evangelicals’ abandonment of Jimmy Carter and blames them for Carter’s loss to Reagan.

Okay, enough of the narrative. Read the book to get the “whole story.” You really should! You should not rely on my admittedly very brief summary here.

In general I agree with Balmer which is why I find myself in “inner exile” with regard to his and my shared American evangelical background. (He was raised in the Evangelical Free Church while I was raised in a very moderate and strongly evangelical Pentecostal denomination. But my grandparents were Evangelical Free as were some of my aunts and uncles. My mother was raised in that denomination but became Pentecostal in her 20s.) The difference is that I have chosen to remain within American evangelicalism and suffer the anxieties of inner exile while, I suspect, Balmer has left American evangelicalism even as he embraces some evangelical characteristics and feels some nostalgia about his roots in evangelicalism.

So here are my criticisms. They pale in comparison with my endorsement of the book. I whole heartedly endorse it and recommend it to anyone interested in learning more about American evangelicalism and why it has become what it seems to be.

First, however, toward the latter part of the book, when Balmer talks about “evangelicals” I think he is talking about “fundamentalists.” In some places in the book (as elsewhere) he acknowledges that distinction, but in his rather harsh criticisms of contemporary American evangelicalism he rarely acknowledges it. I would differ from his narrative in that I think the majority of American non-fundamentalist evangelicals are not part of the right-wing “culture warrior” movement to “take America back for Christ.” Balmer rarely acknowledges people like me who are politically and economically progressive while still being evangelical in theology and spirituality. I am a revivalist at heart and whole heartedly embrace the profile of a true “evangelical” Balmer sets forth at the beginning of the book.

In my opinion, and if I were telling the same story Balmer tells, I would say this: the real “villains” of the narrative of American evangelicalism being taken over by fundamentalists—which I agree is largely true of the movement insofar as there is one—are Phil Donahue and Larry King and other media people who gave fundamentalists like Jerry Falwell a platform to declare themselves the “true evangelicals” who speak for the whole evangelical movement and all evangelicals and rarely, if ever, invited someone like Randall to challenge that on their talk shows. Today, because of the media and some influential sociologists of religion, moderate-to-progressive evangelicals have great difficulty getting any hearing as evangelicals because the impression created by the likes of Donahue and King has become normative for defining “evangelical.”

Balmer does briefly acknowledge the existence of a kind of “rump” of the evangelical movement that consists of progressives like Jim Wallis, Ron Sider and Tony Campolo, but he seems to me too dismissive of any real evangelicals who do not fit his narrative. I’m not sure—by the end of the book—if he considers us real evangelicals. I think he has bought into the confusion between fundamentalism and evangelicalism so typical of American sociologists and historians. They know the difference, but they have allowed the fundamentalists to control the conversation about the meaning of “evangelical.”

Second, I see what I think is an unacknowledged tension in Balmer’s narrative about the history of American evangelicalism that I wonder why he does not himself acknowledge. Here it is (and it is not unique to Randall!): The progressive evangelical social reformers of the 19th century are applauded even though they, too, attempted to guide, if not control, public social policy using fairly strong arm tactics. Charles Finney, for example, encouraged students at Oberlin College, where he was president, to break the law by participating in the Underground Railroad. B. T. Roberts, founder of the Free Methodist Church, strongly advocated government passage of an income tax to redistribute wealth. Whether the advocates of the Social Gospel Movement should be considered evangelical may be debated, but one cannot say they were not actively involved in shaping American public social policy in the late 19th and early 20th century. In other words, there was quite a bit of social, cultural, and political triumphalism in American Christianity in the 19th and early 20th centuries—among progressives.

So I think it’s a little ironic for anyone to criticize the Religious Right for attempting to manipulate public policy, turning it in their direction, without acknowledging that Christian progressives did the same early (and sometimes do it now). And without any doubt the so-called more liberal, “mainline” Protestant denominations have had tremendous influence on public life and social policy in the 20th century sometimes by fairly nefarious means (in my opinion).

I have to wonder if Balmer’s harsh criticism of the fundamentalist Religious Right’s efforts have less to do with political machinations and power-plays than with their particular beliefs and policies.

Third, I am puzzled about Randall’s seemingly strong, even passionate, support of the Internal Revenue Service’s threat to remove tax exempt status from Bob Jones University—unless and until the university obeyed the IRS with regard to race relations on campus. And I’m equally puzzled by his apparent criticism of conservative evangelical leaders who decried that intrusion of government into religion. He seems to think they were motivated by racism or simply saw this as an opportunity to frighten American religious people—especially evangelicals—about growing secularism in government. I wonder what he would think if a government threatened to take away tax exempt status from a religious organization because it, the government, disagreed with that organization’s refusal to hire, say, men. My point is simply that any intrusion into any religious organization’s policies, insofar as they are legal, is frightening. (At the time of the Bob Jones University controversy, so far as I know, the university was not breaking any law.)

Please note that I am not condoning or supporting Bob Jones University’s racial policies (which are now officially defunct), but I am calling for governments to take a hands off approach to religious organizations insofar as they are following their own religious beliefs and traditions that are not physically harming to anyone. A government that can take away a university’s tax exempt status for good reasons can also take it away for bad reasons. And a government that can take away a university’s tax exempt status for any reason can go much further and shut one down entirely—by, for example, revoking students’ ability to receive government supported student loans.

I suspect that Randall’s response to my criticism here would be that evangelical and other religious social activists in the 19th century did not use underhanded means to manipulate public policy and even elections but that 20th and 21st century “evangelicals” (most of who I would call fundamentalists) did and do. Fair enough. I’m just not sure I’m convinced that the difference is all that great or that that is the main concern. In this book Randall includes a chapter about Baptists’ traditional stance with regard to separation of church and state. Of course, I agree with him that we “need more [traditional] Baptists.” But his reason seems to be mostly to protect the state and the public from deleterious social policies and laws tied to fundamentalism. I would add that another reason for separation of church and state is to protect churches and other religious organizations from government interferences. It doesn’t seem that Randall is concerned about that as I am becoming concerned about that.

This mention of Baptists bring me to my final criticism of the book which really piggy-backs on an earlier one or is very similar to it. In the final chapter of this book entitled “Dead Stones: The Future of American Protestantism” Randall calls for more “real Baptists” in America. According to him, real Baptists are those who stick to the traditional Baptist principles of soul liberty and separation of church and state. Fair enough; I agree with him. I’m one of those “real Baptists.” However, we do seem to be a minority now—compared to especially Southern Baptists who seem to ignore separation of church and state and want to “take America back for God” by political means. But here’s my question. If “real Baptists” are those who, as a minority, stick to traditional Baptist principles, why aren’t evangelicals who stick to traditional evangelical principles and do not go on religious crusades to underhandedly manipulate elections (part of Randall’s narrative of late 20th century evangelicalism) not the “true evangelicals?” And if most American evangelicals used to have progressive social ideals, why are those of us who remain on that path not the true evangelicals? Why are the majority, the evangelical fundamentalist “culture warriors,” treated as the true evangelicals? In other words, I see a disconnect between the way Randall treats Baptists and evangelicals. He is doing for Baptists what I have been trying for years to do for evangelicals! Why isn’t he joining me in my effort to disconnect late 20th and early 21st century Religious Right culture warriors from “true evangelicalism?” Why is he seemingly caving into the media’s tendency to accept as truly evangelical whoever says he is including people who are clearly more fundamentalist than evangelical?

Well, enough criticism. I still think the book is good and worthy of reading and opening up a vibrant conversation about these and other matters. Buy it and read it.

*Note to commenters: This blog is not a discussion board; please respond with a question or comment solely to me. If you do not share my evangelical Christian perspective (very broadly defined), feel free to ask a question for clarification, but know that this is not a space for debating incommensurate perspectives/worldviews. In any case, know that there is no guarantee that your question or comment will be posted by the moderator or answered by the writer. If you hope for your question or comment to appear here and be answered or responded to, make sure it is civil, respectful, and “on topic.” Do not comment if you have not read the entire post and do not misrepresent what it says. Keep any comment (including questions) to minimal length; do not post essays, sermons or testimonies here. Do not post links to internet sites here. This is a space for expressions of the blogger’s (or guest writers’) opinions and constructive dialogue among evangelical Christians (very broadly defined).

May 2, 2016

What Is Christian “Fundamentalism” and Who Is a Christian “Fundamentalist?”

I’ll begin with a series of criteria for identifying fundamentalism (or someone as a fundamentalist). Then I’ll go on to give historical-theological justification for the criteria. Readers who are not interested in the (admittedly rather lengthy and detailed) historical-theological justification can stop reading whenever they wish. (However, I warn them that if they comment on my criteria critically I will probably tell them to go back and read the historical-theological explanation that follows the criteria.)

So here are my criteria for deciding whether someone is a Christian fundamentalist:

1) If a person (or organization) is a theologically conservative Protestant Christian (by which I mean embracing classically orthodox Protestant doctrines such as the deity of Christ, the Trinity, the inspiration of Scripture, salvation by grace through faith, etc.) and on principle declines to have Christian fellowship with anyone who has Christian fellowship with persons of questionable doctrinal commitments (“secondary separation”), he is probably a fundamentalist.

2) If a person (I’ll skip the rest that came before the “and” in the first criterion above from here on) believes that belief in biblical inerrancy in all matters, including history and cosmology, is a cardinal tenet of Christian faith, she is probably a fundamentalist.

3) If a person believes that the Authorized Version (KJV) is the only acceptable English translation of the Bible, he is probably a fundamentalist.

4) If a person believes premillennial eschatology (and especially “pre-tribulational rapturism”) and young earth creationism are crucial Christian beliefs, “fundamentals of the faith,” she is probably a fundamentalist.

5) If a person believes that America is “God’s nation” in an exclusive way (of other nations, tribes and peoples) such that America is, as a nation, part of God’s salvation history and plan of redemption, he is probably a fundamentalist. (In Great Britain this would apply to belief about that nation such as “British Israelism.”)

6) If a person believes that the Bible ought to be the basis of an entire educational curriculum, including studies of science, philosophy, psychology, etc., she is probably a fundamentalist. (To put this negatively: If a person does not believe truth can exist outside a Bible-based research project, that “all truth is God’s truth,” even that discovered by non-Christians, she is probably a fundamentalist.)

7) If a person believes that Catholics cannot be Christians and/or Calvinists or non-Calvinists cannot be evangelicals (etc.), he is probably, at least in some respects, a fundamentalist.

These are not absolute litmus tests. It’s theoretically possible that a person might hold most of these beliefs and, for some unforeseen reason (a fluke) not be a fundamentalist. Normally, a fundamentalist embraces all or most of these beliefs. Holding one alone does not make him or her a fundamentalist.  As I explain below, “fundamentalism” is an ideal type, not an all-or-nothing template. And, these (above) are my criteria, based on years of studying fundamentalism.

So, here, below, is my historical-theological explanation:

First, let me repeat something about these labels that many readers seem to miss or misunderstand. You may consider yourself either fundamentalist or not for different reasons than I give here. That is, your definition of it may be different than mine. I am explaining how I define the category. The same was true for liberal theology. Some people take umbrage because they fit my criteria but don’t consider themselves theologically liberal. Fine. But I do (if you fit the criteria). Some people take umbrage because they consider themselves liberal but don’t fit my criteria. Fine. But then I don’t consider you liberal. Get it? The same applies to “fundamentalist.”

I am a historical theologian who specializes in modern theology. My InterVarsity book The Journey of Modern Theology: from Reconstruction to Deconstruction constitutes one of the most exhaustive one volume critical surveys of modern theology in print. I’ve spent thirty-five years studying modern theology including “liberal theology” and “fundamentalism.” That doesn’t make me infallible, of course, and I’m open to correction. But to say that I “haven’t studied liberal theology” (as one commenter here stated) is absurd.

I mentioned my sources about liberal theology (Welch, Dorrien, Reardon, Brown, et al.). What are my sources about fundamentalism? Over the years that I have been teaching courses in modern and contemporary theology and church history at three Christian universities I have invited several self-identified Christian fundamentalists to my classes to speak about the subject. I have also had many encounters and interactions (some pleasant, some not so pleasant) with self-identified, knowledgeable fundamentalist theologians. I grew up surrounded by self-identified fundamentalists (and some relatives and acquaintances who called themselves “evangelical” but were also fundamentalists). I have read numerous books by fundamentalists and about fundamentalists. I own an almost complete set (first editions) of The Fundamentals.

So who are some scholars that I have read on the subject of fundamentalism? Probably most important are George Marsden, Mark Noll, Joel Carpenter, Randall Balmer, and Martin Marty. (I should mention here that I have read some of Scott Appleby’s work on fundamentalism but thought from the beginning he was applying the term too broadly and using a sociological definition rather than a theological one.) And I have read fundamentalists such as George Dollar, John R. Rice, Carl McIntire, Elmer Towns, Kevin Bauder, and many others. I grew up in a home that subscribed to Rice’s The Sword of the Lord publication and that included many fundamentalist books. One of my most recent (and most enjoyable) reads about fundamentalism was The Sword of the Lord: The Roots of Fundamentalism in an American Family by Andrew Himes (John R. Rice’s grandson). I reviewed it here.

It seems to me that the words “fundamentalism” and “fundamentalist” have taken on many different meanings in recent years—like many religious labels. I remember reading in a secular publication that C. S. Lewis was a “fundamentalist Anglican.” When I taught at Oral Roberts University the local newspaper referred to Oral as a “fundamentalist.” I wrote a letter correcting the editors. Oral was no fundamentalist—by any objective, historical-theological standards. He was then a charismatic United Methodist who hired Catholics, Orthodox and even semi-liberal Protestants to teach at his university. He refused to have any doctrinal statement. The only question I was asked when being interviewed was if I was in “general agreement” with Oral’s ministry. I was then (or at least convinced myself I could be), but after two years I was no longer, so I left.

Here I will describe four contemporary meanings of “fundamentalism” and “fundamentalist” even though there are probably more.

First, there is the popular, journalistic meaning and it applies those labels to anyone considered religiously conservative and fanatical. I remember how shocked I was when I heard television journalists referring to “Islamic fundamentalism” at the time the Ayatollah Khomeini came to power in Iran. Soon the appellation was being applied to all kinds of people most of whom were suspected of being potential terrorists. It was a “Hindu fundamentalist” who assassinated Gandhi. Hindu fundamentalist? How did “fundamentalist” get out of its original Christian context and into world religions, politics and violence? Many original fundamentalists, like William Jennings Bryan, were pacifists! Now it’s not unusual to hear and read journalists referring to Amish, Islamists, orthodox Jews, and numerous other disparate religious groups as “fundamentalists.” So what do all these people have in common that causes journalists so to label them?

Second, there is the sociological meaning of “fundamentalism” and “fundamentalist.” I’m not sure which came first, this meaning and then the wildly broad and inclusive journalistic meaning or vice versa. For the past thirty-some years sociologists have been defining “fundamentalism” as “religious anti-modernism.” Allegedly, anyone who is against modernity for religious reasons is a “fundamentalist.” But there are some problems with that. First, it’s simply too broad. Second, many fundamentalists, historically, were consciously or unconsciously influenced by modernity. Third, fundamentalists are often the most willing to make religious use of modern technological innovations. Fourth, many spiritually-minded postmodern people could be called anti-modern in certain ways but could not rightly be called fundamentalists.

Third, there is the popular, Baptist and evangelical meaning of these terms. In this idiomatic use a “fundamentalist” is a mean-spirited conservative evangelical willing to use nasty, underhanded means to win a battle for control of a denomination. Then, more recently, I have heard people who use the label this way argue that there can be and are “fundamentalist liberals” because liberals (and even moderates!) can also be mean-spirited, nasty and underhanded. This seems to be a use of the labels to describe anyone considered religiously conniving and manipulative. This is, of course, entirely subjective and pejorative and has no place in scholarly discussions of fundamentalism.

Fourth, there is the historical-theological meaning of these terms “fundamentalism” and “fundamentalist.” This is the approach I am always trying to promote (to some people’s amusement because they think I am like Don Quixote in this campaign). Unless we stick to historical-theological descriptions and definitions, religious labels float away into unusable vagueness and ambiguity. So what do I mean by “historical-theological approach?” In defining and using religious and especially theological labels we ought to keep them rooted in historical movements and prototypes. Almost no one I know would dispute that “fundamentalism” began as a Protestant movement with strong theological overtones in the late nineteenth and/or early twentieth centuries. We ought to be creative enough to come up with other labels for non-Christian and Christian movements that bear certain vague affinities with it. For example, “Catholic fundamentalism” or “fundamentalist Catholicism” is simply a misnomer. In Catholic religious history those called that would better be labeled “extreme integralists” or “radical traditionalists” (or something).

So what is the historical-theological definition of “fundamentalism” and “fundamentalist?” Well, that is much debated. Here you will find my own approach to it.

Fundamentalism is a centered-set category without definite boundaries (like all movements and ideal types). It began as a relatively cohesive movement and then, like most religious movements, dissolved but remained as an ethos permeating several movements, ministries, churches, denominations, organizations, etc. First I will describe the movement (which must remain the anchor for describing fundamentalism) and then the ethos emanating from it.

Scholars disagree about when and where fundamentalism began. As usual, the truth seems to be that it began in several places, independently, simultaneously. Several individuals and groups were thinking along similar lines, found each other, and coalesced around certain affinities. The common features of all these individuals and groups were: conservative Protestant, anti-modernist (in terms of ideology), anti-liberal theology, privileging something considered “traditional” that is recognizable as a blend of revivalism and Protestant scholastic orthodoxy, biblicism (belief in biblical inerrancy and as literal interpretation as possible), etc.

Some of these people were Baptists, Presbyterians, Wesleyans (Holiness), independents (“Bible Christians” influenced by the Plymouth Brethren movement), and Congregationalists. Pentecostals eventually joined in around the margins, uncomfortably. None were Catholics or Eastern Orthodox. Very few, if any, were Anabaptists.

Nothing in the previous paragraph is meant to imply that all of any of those groups were among the original fundamentalists. To conclude that from the paragraph would be illogical. The point is that original fundamentalism was made up solely of Protestant Christians of many denominational identities (and none) with strong leanings toward revivalism and strict orthodoxy. (Some leaned more toward Reformed orthodoxy; Arminians tended to lean more toward revivalism.)

What brought this disparate and even somewhat motley group together under a single banner was militant defense of conservative Protestantism against liberal theology and higher biblical criticism.

Here “militant” does not mean “violent.” It means aggressive, pro-active (some would say “reactionary,” organized and vocal.

Early fundamentalists disagreed about many things: the sacraments/ordinances, church polity, eschatology, modern (as opposed to biblical) miracles, predestination and free will, etc. But they agreed that liberal (“Ritschlian”) theology and higher criticism of the Bible were very serious assaults on “real Christianity” that needed to be confronted and stopped. Their collective attitude was that “theological modernism” (as I described it in my earlier post about liberal theology) was false Christianity in the same way that, say, Mormonism and Christian Science and Jehovah’s Witness teaching was false Christianity. But unlike those, it was inside the churches and their colleges and seminaries. It needed to be rooted out and if it couldn’t be true Christians would have to leave those denominations, colleges, universities, seminaries, etc., and found ones committed to true Christianity.

They were, in other words, early twentieth century Puritans. Exactly like the Puritans of the seventeenth century, the early fundamentalists believed the churches needed to be purged of heresy and everything linked with it symbolically. And that’s where the trouble started—what that meant. What did it mean to purge the churches and Christian organizations of everything symbolically linked with heresy? And how to root out hidden heresies and heretics?

Scholars disagree about the birth of the term “fundamentalism.” Many, perhaps the majority, insist it was coined by Baptist editor Curtis Lee Laws in 1920. That may be true of the “-ism.” But the root “fundamentals” was being used before then as various groups listed the essentials of true Christianity as “fundamentals of the faith.” The booklets titled The Fundamentals were published in 1910 and 1911. These were articles written by leading fundamentalist scholars and ministers—defending what they saw as the essentials of Christianity with a strong anti-liberal flavor. (However, ironically, many of the authors would later not fit the emerging fundamentalist profile.) 1919 was the year William Bell Riley founded the World Christian Fundamentals Association and added premillennialism to the list of essential Christian beliefs—a move that excluded many people widely recognized as fundamentalists (especially those in the Reformed tradition such as J. Gresham Machen).

So that was early, original fundamentalism. Most contemporary conservative evangelicals would probably have been fundamentalists then. Except in Riley’s mind. He and his Texas friend J. Frank Norris joined hands across the Mason-Dixon Line (imaginary as it is in the Midwest) to forge a new, more militant, and exclusive form of fundamentalism. Many fundamentalists were swayed by Riley’s and Norris’ strict and exclusive approach. A divide began to open within the fundamentalist movement—between the narrow, exclusivist camp that absolutely eschewed evolution in any form, including “progressive creationism,” insisted on strict biblical inerrancy and literal interpretation (e.g., of Daniel and Revelation including premillennialism and eventually pretribulational dispensationalism) and the somewhat more moderate Reformed camp that followed Machen when he founded Westminster Theological Seminary in Philadelphia. There were those in that camp, however, who were more militant and exclusive than Machen and eventually broke off to found hyper-conservative groups and institutions. Carl McIntire was one of them.

Because of this evolution within fundamentalism (no pun intended!), scholars tend to talk about “pre-1925 fundamentalism” and “post-1925 fundamentalism.” The main movers and shakers of the fundamentalist movement after 1925 (the year of the infamous Scopes Trial in Dayton, Tennessee widely regarded as a huge humiliation for fundamentalism) informally added “biblical separation” to the list of essentials of authentic Christian faith. That is, true Christians will refuse Christian fellowship with outright heretics and apostates and theological modernists and liberals (such as Harry Emerson Fosdick and his ilk) belong in those categories. Fundamentalists began founding their own separate Protestant institutions and denominations, publishing houses and missionary agencies. Many organized “Bible institutes” (where the Bible was supposed to be the basis of the entire curriculum) and urged, even required, Christian young people to attend only those after high school. Throughout the 1930s American fundamentalism especially flourished, but somewhat underground and almost invisible to the mainstream media and religious organizations (such as the Federal Council of Churches).

But something new began to happen within the fundamentalist movement that further fractured it and, in my estimation, anyway, killed it as a movement. That was the introduction by fundamentalist leaders of the doctrine and practice of “secondary separation.” This meant that pure Christians ought to shun Christian fellowship with other Christians who did not practice “biblical separation.” Thus, when Billy Graham, a fundamentalist when he began his ministry, began to allow Catholics and liberal-leaning, “mainstream” Protestant ministers to cooperate with and support his evangelistic crusades, leading fundamentalists criticized him and withdrew their support from him.

I believe the fundamentalist movement broke apart into several, often competing, movements practicing different degrees of separationism in the 1940s and 1950s. Many conservative and revivalistic Protestants left fundamentalism and joined the “neo-evangelical movement” launched by Harold John Ockenga and others in 1942 (the year the National Association of Evangelicals was founded). However, the fundamentalist movement left behind an ethos. And that is how I identify a fundamentalist—by his or her embodiment of the fundamentalist ethos. The criteria cited at this post’s opening describe that ethos.

A true fundamentalist minister, for example, will usually not join a local “evangelical ministerial alliance” (or whatever it may be called). Now, to be sure, some ministers within such an alliance may display fundamentalist traits, but a true fundamentalist, though he may be sympathetic with some of the alliance’s goals (e.g., to provide high school graduates with a Bible-based, united, city-wide, baccalaureate service) will avoid full participation in it. He will probably seek out other fundamentalist ministers for fellowship and cooperation. These fundamentalist alliances tend to be small and fracture easily because of disagreements about fine points of doctrine, practice and Bible interpretation.

The fundamentalist ethos is rarely “pure.” That is, it can be discerned in partial manifestations. Whenever any of the seven criteria mentioned at this post’s beginning are apparent I suspect a fundamentalist ethos is present (in a person or a movement or an organization).

I have met people who call themselves fundamentalists who do not exhibit most or any of those traits (criteria). Usually they are using the label in its original (“paleo-fundamentalist”) sense—pre-1925. I have no quarrel with them and if they want to be called fundamentalists when I would categorize them as simply conservative evangelicals, that’s fine. But in certain contexts I would not call them fundamentalists because that will automatically be misunderstood. Among the literati of American religious history and historical theology, anyway, “fundamentalism” is usually understood in terms of the 1930s and afterwards movement with defining prototypes such as the previously mentioned Riley, Norris, McIntire, Rice and (not previously mentioned) Bob Jones, Richard Clearwaters, and Jerry Falwell.

I have before mentioned a phenomenon I call “neo-fundamentalism.” That is my term (others may use it differently) for people who embody a fundamentalist ethos but have wedged their way into neo-evangelical circles calling themselves “conservative evangelicals” and finding acceptance as such. Here is an anecdote to illustrate that. About fifteen years ago I noticed that a seminary historically noted for being fundamentalist (in the historical-theological sense) had set up a table in the evangelical college where I then taught to recruit undergraduates. I approached the recruiter, a relatively young (early middle aged) employee of the seminary. I told him I would have difficulty recommending that any of my students attend his seminary. He asked why. I told him that the seminary had a reputation for being fundamentalist. He said “No, we’re changing. We’re evangelical now.” So I asked him this question: “If Billy Graham volunteered to preach in your seminary’s chapel free of charge, no honorarium expected, would your president allow it?” His slightly red-faced response was “We’re moving in that direction.” Enough said. Now, that is not to say no fundamentalist seminary would allow Billy Graham to preach there. Some might. But a seminary that calls itself “evangelical” and would refuse to allow him to preach there is almost certainly fundamentalist whether it uses that label or not.

I could cite numerous similar stories of encounters I have had with people who call themselves evangelicals but who operate out of a fundamentalist ethos. Also when I taught at that evangelical college I was accosted by a local pastor who is widely known as an evangelical leader who was furious, livid, that the college’s president had invited Robert Schuller to speak there. Now, I wasn’t particularly thrilled by the president’s decision, either, but I wouldn’t be furious or livid about it. When I pointed out to the pastor that the college’s (and denomination’s) roots are in Pietism and therefore irenic he said “’Irenic’ is just a term for doctrinal indifference.” His fundamentalist ethos appeared there and then.

 

 

April 1, 2016

Commemorating the 200th Anniversary of the Death of Francis Asbury

By David Martinez

“The love of Christ our hearts constrains,

And strengthens our unwearied hands,

We spend our sweat, and time, and pains,

To cultivate Immanuel’s lands”[1]

Yesterday (March 31) marks the 200th anniversary of the death of Francis Asbury (1745-1816), the relentless Bishop who indeed spent himself in spreading Methodism in America.  And oh how he pained!  Church historians acknowledge the impact John Wesley’s theology – “an Arminianism combined with pietism and burning with revival fire”[2] – had on North America.  While many factors contributed to the success of this revival, Francis Asbury was unquestionably the key figure fanning these revival flames in America during the late 18th and early 19th century.

During the yearly conference in Bristol in 1771, when Asbury volunteered to travel to America and help the Methodists there, John Wesley could not have imagined what Asbury would later become: a symbol of unremitting persistence and America’s first Methodist Bishop.  After a heartbreaking good-bye to his parents, whom he would never see again, he sailed to America at the age of twenty-six.  When he arrived, there were four Methodist preachers caring for about 300 Methodists in the colonies.  Forty-five years later, by the time of his death, there were over 214,000 Methodists, directly caused by his labors.  Simply put: No Asbury – no American Methodism, along with its Arminianism.  The facts are compelling, especially when one considers the obstacles Asbury had to overcome, not the least of which accompanied the suffering life of being an itinerant preacher at that time.

Asbury never married and never had a place to live.  He stayed in over 10,000 homes throughout the course of his ministry.[3]  By reading his published journals one can get an idea of just how gruesome it was to stay at some of these places.  Through icy blizzards, sweltering heat, lonely wildernesses, treacherous hills, Asbury rode over a quarter of a million miles on horseback (greatly compromising his physical health!) and crossed the Allegheny Mountains some sixty times.[4]

When John Piper categorized Asbury among the “very passionate, and persuasive, and powerful preachers of Arminian theology” [5] he was right.  However, Asbury wasn’t known for his preaching; he was known for his personal piety and commitment to the growth of Methodism and all that comes with it – e.g., the Arminian perspective that believes God actually wants everyone to be saved[6].

As great and influential as John Wesley was, his brand of Christianity would not have had the impact it did on America had it not been for Asbury.  By being rooted in the Anglican Church, Methodism was too easily seen as necessarily pro-England.  To say that the Wesleys’ published appeals, tracts, and poems criticizing the American Revolution didn’t ingratiate Methodism with the Americans would perhaps be an understatement.  All of the missionaries Wesley sent to America returned to England.  Asbury stayed.  “To leave such a field for gathering souls to Christ…would be an eternal dishonor,” he wrote, “neither is it part of a good shepherd to leave his flock in time of danger.  Therefore, I am determined, by the grace of God, not to leave them, let the consequences be what it may”[7] The success of the establishment of Methodism and all the Arminian theology it promoted in America vindicates Asbury’s sacrifices.

Asbury’s story is fascinating and too much too get into here but I encourage you to read about who this great man was.  There are many great and edifying biographies about Asbury that are lively and paint a clear picture of who he was.[8]  In 1924, the then President of the United States said of Asbury, “he is entitled to rank as one of the builders of our nation”[9] Today, on the 200th anniversary of his death, I simply say, “Thank you, Bishop Asbury.”

 

 

[1] October 23, 1775; The Journal and Letters of Francis Asbury, I, p. 165.

[2] Roger E. Olson, The Story of Christian Theology: Twenty Centuries of Tradition and Reform (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1999), p. 510.

[3] Roberts Liardon, God’s Generals: The Revivalists (New Kensington, PA: Whitaker House, 2008), p. 207.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ask Pastor John Podcast (Episode 238)

[6] 1 Timothy 2:4

[7] John Wigger, American Saint: Francis Asbury & The Methodists (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2009), p. 90.

[8] The most up to date and thoroughly detailed biography is John Wigger’s, American Saint: Francis Asbury & The Methodists, published by Oxford University Press (2009)

[9] President Calvin Coolidge. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=24170

March 30, 2016

The following essay was written for and distributed by InsideSources.com. It has been published so far by the Detroit News. Other subscribing publications may pick it up from InsideSources.

 

“Evangelical” Is Not a Political Identity

Roger E. Olson

Foy Valentine Professor of Christian Theology and Ethics

George W. Truett Theological Seminary

Baylor University

 

Time magazine declared 1976 the “Year of the Evangelical.” Before that most Americans had little idea what an “evangelical” was. However, the National Association of Evangelicals, a cooperative group of approximately fifty Protestant denominations, formed in 1942. The founders of the NAE chose the label “evangelical” to distinguish themselves from fundamentalists. Before 1942 “evangelical” and “fundamentalist” were nearly identical terms. In fact, at first, the NAE’s founders called themselves and their new post-fundamentalist movement “neo-evangelical.” Eventually, however, the “neo-“dropped away. The post-fundamentalist evangelical movement came to be so closely identified with Billy Graham that some scholars who studied the movement said that an evangelical is anyone who loves Billy Graham.

During the 1976 presidential election candidate, then president-elect Jimmy Carter publically identified himself as an “evangelical.” He was identifying himself with a specific “flavor” of Protestant Christianity—the same one as the founders of the NAE. That flavor, according to evangelical historian David Bebbington, has four distinct ingredients “on top” of orthodox Protestant Christianity: belief in the Bible as God’s inspired word (biblicism), belief in the experience of conversion, popularly known as being “born again,” belief in the cross of Jesus Christ as the only means of salvation (crucicentrism), and belief in the importance of evangelism and social activism.

I call this spiritual-theological flavor of Protestantism “the evangelical ethos.” It has existed at least since the spiritual awakenings and revivals that swept Great Britain and Europe in the early 1700s (the Great Awakening) and early 1800s (the Second Great Awakening). Its roots lie in what is called Pietism—a European and American movement of spiritual devotion, “heart Christianity,” that began in the late 1600s in Germany. Most evangelicals have always looked even further back to Martin Luther as the person who rediscovered the New Testament gospel.

We must distinguish between this evangelical ethos and any evangelical movement. Scholars report that British and American evangelicalism was largely politically progressive during the 19th century. During the first half of the 20th century evangelicalism was mostly nonpolitical. Many, but not all, American evangelicals awakened to political activism with Carter’s campaign and election. However, throughout the 1980s many American evangelicals “switched sides” and supported conservative politicians and their platforms.

The reasons for the swings in evangelicals’ attitudes towards politics have been much examined, but little consensus has been reached. What is obvious to anyone who takes the long view, however, is that evangelicalism as a spiritual-theological ethos is not political. In any given time period the majority of evangelicals may align themselves with a particular political party or ideology, but evangelical Christianity itself is not ideological.

Since the 1980s, when many American evangelicals jumped on the bandwagon of the “Reagan Revolution,” some evangelicals, people who claim to have been “born again,” have identified with a movement called the “Religious Right.” Others have eschewed politics altogether. Yet others have been politically liberal.

When I call myself “evangelical” I am not saying anything about my political preferences, although I do not divorce my spirituality and theology entirely from my left-leaning political views. I find the Bible pointing toward compassion for the poor, so that is why I, as an evangelical, tend to support a certain party and certain candidates. However, I do not identify my evangelical beliefs and spirituality with any political ideology; I accept as fellow evangelicals all who share with me the evangelical ethos.

I tend to take the long view when examining the meaning of “evangelicalism.” That means I am not inclined to surrender the label just because over the last few decades the American media have tended to identify it with conservative politics. In fact, in my opinion, that identification is mostly a creation of the American popular media. I believe most American evangelicals, to say nothing of British and Canadian ones, are not strongly political and do not think of their evangelical faith as tied to any political party or ideology.

On the other hand, polls indicate that many Americans who call themselves evangelical or “born again” do identify with a particular political ideology, a very conservative one. I believe there is an explanation for that phenomenon. Many strongly politically conservative Americans have heard from the media that evangelicalism is “the Republican party at prayer” (as the British used to say the Church of England was the Tory party at prayer). So, whether they are really evangelical in the spiritual-theological sense or not, when asked for their religious affiliation they respond “born again” or “evangelical.”


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