July 6, 2023

Roman Primacy in the Early Church; First Clement; Ignatius & Cyprian on the Papacy; Pope Liberius; Sozomen & Socrates on Papal Primacy; Pope Honorius

The Infallibility of the Church (1888), a book written by Anglican anti-Catholic polemicist George Salmon (1819-1904), may be one of the most extensive and detailed — as well as influential — critiques of the Catholic Church ever written. But, as usual with these sorts of works, it’s abominably argued and relentlessly ignorant and/or dishonest, as the critiques listed below amply demonstrate and document.
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The most influential and effective anti-Catholic Protestant polemicist today, “Dr” [???] James White, cites Salmon several times in his written materials, and regards his magnum opus as an “excellent” work. In a letter dated 2 November 1959, C. S. Lewis recommended the book to a reader, Michael Edwards, who was “vexed” about papal infallibility (see: The Collected Letters of C. S. Lewis, Volume 3: Narnia, Cambridge, and Joy, 1950 – 1963, edited by Walter Hooper, New York: HarperCollins, 2007, p. 1133, footnote 24). Russell P. Spittler, professor of New Testament at Fuller Theological Seminary, wrote that “From an evangelical standpoint,” the book “has been standard since first published in 1888” (Cults and Isms, Baker Book House, 1973, 117). Well-known Baptist apologist Edward James Carnell called it the “best answer to Roman Catholicism” in a 1959 book. I think we can safely say that it is widely admired among theological (as well as “emotional”) opponents of the Catholic Church.
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Prominent Protestant apologist Norman Geisler and his co-author Ralph MacKenzie triumphantly but falsely claim, in a major critique of Catholicism, Roman Catholics and Evangelicals: Agreements and Differences (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1995, 206-207, 459), that Salmon’s book has “never really been answered by the Catholic Church,” and call it the “classic refutation of papal infallibility,” which also offers “a penetrating critique of Newman’s theory.”
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Salmon’s tome, however, has been roundly refuted at least twice: first, by Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record (March / May / July / September / November 1901 and January / March 1902): a response (see the original sources) — which I’ve now transcribed almost in its totality: adding up to more than 73,000 words, or approximately 257 pages (last two installments abridged a bit); secondly, by Bishop Basil Christopher Butler (1902-1986) in his book, The Church and Infallibility: A Reply to the Abridged ‘Salmon’ (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1954, 230 pages). See all of these replies — and any further ones that I make — listed under “George Salmon” on my Anti-Catholicism web page.
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See also my thorough refutation of Salmon’s false and scurrilous accusation of St. Cardinal Newman, regarding papal infallibility: John Henry Newman’s Alleged Disbelief  in Papal Infallibility Prior to 1870, and Supposed Intellectual Dishonesty Afterwards [8-11-11]
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Bishop Butler’s book is partially available (8 chapters of 11) in old Internet Archive files (see chapters one / two / three / four / five / six / seven) and another web page with Chapter Ten. Most of these files will eventually be inaccessible, so I have decided to select highlights of all of these chapters, and also from chapters eight, nine, and eleven, from my own hardcover copy of the book.  The words below are all from Bishop Butler, edited and abridged by myself. I will indicate which chapter excerpts are from, but not page numbers. George Salmon’s words will be in blue.
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See other installments of this series:
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Chapter Eight: The Church and See of Rome in Antiquity
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I agree with Salmon that it is a question of tracing a development. This is not tantamount to “abandoning Tradition as a basis for the doctrine of Papal Supremacy” ([Salmon], p. 152), any more than to trace he development of a human character from childhood to maturity is to renounce the effort to see his life as a historical unity.
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He often mentions “the Church”, but never seems to face squarely the question: What is the Church?
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I . . . quote two dicta of the great liberal Protestant scholar Harnack: “The (local) Christian churches became a real confederation under the primacy of the Roman Church (and later under the leadership of the bishop of that Church)” [Dogmengeschichte, 4th ed., vol. I, p. 489]. And again: “The Roman Church from the end of the first century possessed a de facto primacy in Christendom” [Mission und Ausbrietung, 2nd ed., 1906, vol. I, p. 398].
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[T]he Epistle of Clement . . . is a striking intervention on the part of Rome in the affairs of the Church of Corinth, . . . but Salmon thinks, “could clearly not be regarded as an attempt by Rome to domineer over provincial Churches” [p. 163]. But the great Anglican scholar Lightfoot (in 1890) wrote of this Epistle as follows:
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It is . . . instructive to observe the urgent and almost imperious tone which the Romans adopt in addressing their Corinthian brethren during the closing years of the first century . . . It may perhaps seem strange to describe this noble remonstrance as the first step towards papal domination. And yet undoubtedly this is the case. [St. Clement of Rome, 1890, vol. I, p. 698]
Harnack, once again, is worth quoting:
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This letter to the Corinthians proves that already at the end of the first century the Roman church . . . kept watch with maternal care for distant churches, and that at that date she knew how to utter the word that is an expression of duty, of love, and of authority at the same time. [Dogmengeschichte, 4th ed., vol. I, p. 485]
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It is surely somewhat remarkable that, in the eyes of good scholars, both 1 Clement and the only slightly later letter of Ignatius to the Romans should alike bear witness, just before and just after the end of the apostolic ages, to the primacy, not to say the authority, of the Roman Church. . . . [T]here is no hint that Ignatius respected the Church of Rome precisely because of the prestige of the capital city. And both epistles speak of Peter and Paul in a way which at least suggests that this apostolic origin is the real source of the Roman Church’s pre-eminence.
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[I]t should be noticed — and Salmon is silent on this point — that before (apparently) the baptismal controversy Cyprian had urged the Bishop of Rome . . . to send to Gaul and excommunicate the Bishop of Arles and supply a successor [Ep. 68, 3].
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It [also] appears that Cyprian had accepted and proclaimed, before the baptismal controversy, the principle that to be in communion with the Catholic Church (i.e., to be within the ark of salvation) one must be in communion with the See of Rome.
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Chapter Nine: Empire and Papacy
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The “fall of Liberius” is discussed by Salmon (pp. 206-209), and the question of its extent must occupy us in a moment. But it seems fitting to remark first that, even if Salmon’s version is accepted as true, papal infallibility as defined by the Vatican Council is not involved. Not only is it to be considered highly doubtful whether Liberius (in exile and under imperial pressure) could have any intention of making an ex cathedra pronouncement: but it cannot be shown that he signed anything that was positively erroneous. Salmon himself states [p. 208]: the “worst of the formulas”, one of which Liberius is supposed to have signed, “did not assert anything untrue, but merely omitted the phrases which the orthodox used to exclude the Arians.”
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Salmon . . . gives a minimal interpretation of Julius’s letter vindicating Athanasius, and states that “the Greek historians, Socrates and Sozomen, appear simply to report what had been said by Julius” [p. 195]. As a matter of fact Socrates says that Julius reproved the Easterns, “since the ecclesiastical canon orders that the churches shall not make canons against the judgment of the Bishop of Rome” (ii, 17), and Sozomen (following Socrates), that Julius blamed them, “saying that it was a sacerdotal law that what was done against the will of the Roman bishop was null and void” (iii, 10).
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Salmon . . . fails to make it clear that the ultimate victory in doctrinal disputes from A.D. 451 onwards always lay with the side that had Rome with it.
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Chapter Ten: The Sixth Century and Beyond
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So we pass on to the celebrated affair of Pope Honorius and his condemnation in the seventh century [Salmon, pp. 213-15, 220-2. See Chapman’s The Condemnation of Pope Honorius, which I follow closely]. The bare and essential facts of this affair may be briefly stated, once the theological issue has been made clear. The Council of Chalcedon had defined that Jesus Christ was one person (hypostasis) in two perfect natures, one divine (by which he was the Son of God) and one human (whereby he was the Son of Mary). The Monophysites, and among them almost the whole of Egyptian Christianity, had rejected this definition and affirmed that there was “one nature” of the incarnate Word of God; in consequence they were excommunicate. About A.D. 630 a “considerable section” [Chapman, from whom the following unassigned quotations are taken] of the Egyptian Monophysites were reconciled to the Church on acceptance of the proposition that Christ’s works, alike the human and divine, are wrought by “one theandric [i.e. divino-human] operation” — the main thesis of the Monothelite heresy. The Catholic truth is that Christ has a divine will but also a human will (two wills, then), and that each will has its own “operation” or working.

The Emperor and Sergius, Patriarch of Constantinople, welcomed the reconciliation of the Monophysites; but on receiving a protest against the teaching of “one operation” from a Palestinian monk named Sophronius, Sergius “took the obvious course of laying the whole matter before the Pope”, Honorius by name. Honorius replied to the effect that the expression “one operation” was objectionable. “But he goes on to admit one will, because our Lord took to himself a human nature free from original sin. The reason given implies that our Lord has a human will, only not also a corrupt lower human will… The Pope declares that to teach one operation will seem Eutychian”, i.e. Monophysite, “while to teach two will seem Nestorian. Both expressions are consequently to be avoided.” He also told Cyrus, Patriarch of Alexandria, that the expressions “one” or “two” operations are to be dropped, as it is “very silly” to use such expressions.

The result was that the Emperor Heraclius decreed (in the so-called Ecthesis) that all his subjects “are to confess one will of our Lord, but to avoid the expressions ‘one or two operations’” — precisely agreeing with Honorius’s letter to Sergius. But, Honorius being dead, Pope John IV condemned the Emperor’s Ecthesis and in about A.D. 648 Pope Theodore [I] pronounced the deposition of the Monothelite Paul of Constantinople (Sergius being by now also dead), and in 649 Pope Martin I at a Lateran Council condemned Cyrus, Sergius, Paul, the ecthesis and the Typus (an imperial decree replacing the ecthesis and forbidding the expressions “one” and “two” operations). We are back at the situation under the Henotikon, the Emperor and the Bishop of Constantinople ranged against the Bishop of Rome. And it was not till 680 that, under a new Emperor [Constantine IV, called Pogonatus], the Sixth Ecumencial Council met at Constantinople and Pope Agatho’s ruling on the disputed points, which of course agrees with that of the Lateran Council of 649, was accepted by all save the Monothelite Macarius, Patriarch of Antioch, who was in consequence deposed.

But Macarius had sent the Emperor a packet of documents, of which the seal was broken in the Council, and amongst these documents, read out before the Council, was the letter of Honorius to Sergius, which thus for the first time came under conciliar cognizance (it had not been read at the Lateran Council). It would seem that neither Emperor nor papal legates, nor even the Eastern episcopate as a whole, but only Macarius was responsible for this thunderbolt. There was nothing for it. If Cyrus, Sergius and Paul were to be condemned, it was impossible to spare the name of Honorius; and after anathematizing the other leading Monothelites the Council judged: “And in addition to these we decide that Honorius also, who was Pope of elder Rome, be with them cast out of the holy Church of God, and be anathematized with them, because we have found by his letter to Sergius that he followed his opinion in all things and confirmed his wicked dogmas.”

[Footnote: To some it may seem that it was all a storm in a teacup. Provided the definition of Chalcedon was accepted on all hands, why worry about such “foolish” novelties as “one” or “two” operations in Christ? And it is true that though Monothelitism is contrary to the implications of the Chalcedonian definition, the doctrine of two wills and two operations in Christ had not been explicitly defined in Honorius’s time — not indeed till the Lateran Council of 649. But the Church has felt instinctively that the fullness of the Incarnation is to be insisted upon and must not in any way be watered down. From primitive Docetism (the heresy which affirmed that Christ had only a phantom body) through Apollinarianism and Eutychianism down to Monothelitism the human reason has sought to detract from the fullness of Christ’s manhood. And this is to detract, more or less, from the full sweep of that love which moved God to “identify” himself with man in the Incarnation — as love ever identifies the lover with the object of his love. It also detracts from the redeemed sacredness of creatures, if God has not fully entered into the conditions of the creature. Monothelitism is a slighter error than Monophysitism, but as Thomas of Aquinas says on another subject, a small error in the beginning leads to great error in the end. Hence the Church has always been acutely sensitive to doctrinal inaccuracies which may have baneful effects far outside the purview of the theologians who originate them, effects in the spiritual life and moral effort of the faithful.]

The Acts of the Council were approved by Pope Leo II, and among those whom he anathematizes is “also Honorius, who did not attempt to sanctify this Apostolic Church with the teaching of apostolic tradition, but by profane treachery permitted its purity to be polluted”. Honorius is included by the Seventh Ecumenical Council in its list of heretics; “the oath taken by every new Pope from the eighth century till the eleventh adds these words to the list of Monothelites condemned: ‘Together with Honorius, who added fuel to their wicked assertions’”; and Honorius was mentioned as a heretic in the Roman Breviary till the eighteenth century.

The first and most important observation that must be made on this episode is that the doctrine of papal infallibility, as defined by the Vatican Council, is not contradicted by Honorius’s lapse or by his post-mortem condemnation. As Chapman writes:

It is, of course, absurd to regard the letter of Honorius as a definition ex cathedra…. It was natural to exaggerate at the time of the Vatican Council, but today the decree [of 1870] is better understood. If the letter of Honorius to Sergius is to be ex cathedraa fortiori all papal encyclicals addressed to the whole Church at the present day must be ex cathedraquod est absurdum. [“which thing is absurd”]

And again, after reminding the reader that the Vatican Council explains that the Pope speaks ex cathedra when, in the exercise of his function as shepherd and teacher of all Christians, in virtue of his supreme apostolic authority he defines a doctrine on faith or morals to be held by the whole Church, Chapman proceeds, with reference to Honorius’s letter:

In this case not even the first condition is certainly fulfilled, for Honorius addresses Sergius alone, and it is by no means evident that he intended his letter to be published as a decree. Further, he does not appeal, as Popes habitually appealed on solemn occasions, to his apostolic authority, to the promise to Peter, to the tradition of his Church. Lastly, he neither defines nor condemns, utters no anathema or warning, but merely approves a policy of silence.

To these important paragraphs it may be appropriate to add the following from the same author:

Infallibility is, as it were, the apex of a pyramid. The more solemn the utterances of the Apostolic See, the more we can be certain of their truth. When they reach the maximum of solemnity, that is, when they are strictly ex cathedra, the possibility of error is wholly eliminated. The authority of a Pope, even on those occasions when he is not actually infallible, is to be implicitly followed and reverenced. That it should be on the wrong side is a contingency shown by faith and history to be possible, but by history as well as by faith to be so remote that it is not usually to be taken into consideration. There are three or four examples in history.

And again:

The infallibility of the Pope is for the sake of the Church. Wherever his fall would necessarily involve the Church in the same error, he is infallible. Therefore he is infallible whenever he binds the Church by his [supreme and definitive] authority to accept his ruling, and only then. It is a matter of history that no Pope has ever involved the whole Church in error. It is a matter of history that Pope after Pope has solemnly defined the truth and bound the Church to accept it. It is a matter of history that Pope after Pope has confirmed the Councils which decided rightly and has annulled those which decided wrongly. It is a matter of history that Rome has always retained the true faith. If this was wonderful in the 7th century, it is more wonderful after thirteen more centuries have passed.

The affairs of Liberius, Honorius and Galileo may be taken as “limiting cases” in the question of papal infallibility. They are therefore invaluable as illustrations to explain to non-Catholics what the Vatican definition [of papal infallibility, in 1870] does not imply. They are also invaluable as warnings to Catholics to be sober and moderate and therefore truly loyal in their application of the dogma. I hope that it is not now necessary to spend long on Salmon’s treatment of the affair of Honorius. The fact is that Salmon actually first tells us what would be his own (Salmon’s) doctrine of papal infallibility, if he believed in it at all (p. 215), adding that he would take it as involving papal inspiration (p. 217), which has never been officially claimed by the Popes themselves; he then leaves us to infer that, since the affair of Honorius contradicts Salmon’s own doctrine of infallibility, therefore the Catholic doctrine of infallibility is disproved.

We can imagine a man visiting some country which enjoys a constitutional monarchy like our own [i.e., like that of Great Britain]. He is told that the whole political structure is built upon the principle that “the king can do no wrong”. Thereupon he publishes a number of authentic records, how one king was a drunkard, another a liar, a third the father of illegitimate children and a fourth almost brought the State toppling to disaster by his imprudent use of the royal prerogative: and, strong in the knowledge that his facts are correct, he pours ridicule on the constitution — unaware of the fact that he has made himself a little laughable. The “rules” (Salmon, p. 215) “invented for distinguishing when the pope speaks ex cathedra are not arbitrary; and they are embodied (most of them) in the Vatican definition itself. Can it be that Salmon had already worked the Honorius affair into his brief before the definition was promulgated, and was a little taken aback to find that he had been tilting at a windmill?

But perhaps the main value of Honorius’s condemnation, in Salmon’s eyes, is that it proves that “as late as the seventh century no suspicion had entered the mind of the Church” that it was impossible for a Pope to be a heretic (Salmon, p. 221). The short answer to this inference is that the Church’s mind is still quite free of that suspicion. It is not taught that his office makes a Pope immune from personal error, but that God will not allow him to commit the Church definitively to public error.

It may not, however, be amiss to point out how clearly the seventh-century conviction, that the Pope is the de jure [Latin, “according to law, by right”] teacher and guardian of the universal Church, emerges from the whole affair of Honorius. The following is a selection from the evidence [from Dom John Chapman]:

(1) Sergius, the Patriarch of Constantinople, was not prepared to give more than a provisional decision on the lawfulness of the expression “one operation” till he had put the question to the Pope, whom in fact he asks “if there has been anything wanting in what has been said, to fill this up… and with your holy syllables… to signify your opinion on the matter.”

(2) The reply of Honorius was apparently in fact what gave the Emperor, with the patriarch of Constantinople behind him, the courage to publish his Ecthesis.

(3) Stephen of Dora (in Palestine) told Martin I at the Lateran Council of a conversation he had had with Sophronius, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, who had raised the alarm against Monothelitism, but died forty years before the [Third] Council of Constantinople. Stephen says that in the patriarchate they had asked for “the wings of a dove… that we might fly away and announce these things [their troubles consequent upon the heresy] to the Chair which rules and presides over all, I mean to yours, the head and highest, for the healing of the whole wound. For this it has been accustomed to do from of old… with power by its canonical or apostolical authority, because… Peter, head of the Apostles, was clearly thought worthy not only to be entrusted with the keys of heaven, alone, apart from the rest… but because he was also first commissioned to feed the sheep of the whole Catholic Church… and again because he had… a faith in the Lord stronger than all and unchangeable, to be converted and to confirm his… spiritual brethren… as having been adorned by God himself, incarnate for us, with power and sacerdotal authority.” Thus Stephen bases the universal rule of the Papacy upon the three chief Petrine texts. The fact that he is addressing a Pope in a Roman Council does not evacuate the significance of this papalism on the lips of an orthodox bishop from Palestine.

(4) He states that Sophronius had adjured him to go to the Apostolic See, where are the foundations of the holy doctrine.

(5) Maximus, once a secretary of the Emperor Heraclius and later a monk at Chrysopolis, who took refuge from Monothelitism at Rome, speaks of “the most great and Apostolic Church at Rome” as the “truly firm and immovable rock”.

(6) A council held in Cyprus, A.D. 643, wrote to the Pope {Theodore I} to persuade him to “destroy the insolence of the new heretics”: “Thou… art Peter, and upon thy foundations the pillars of the Church have been fixed…. Thou art set as the destroyer of profane heresies, as… leader of the orthodox and unsullied faith….”

(7) Maximus again, writing to an official in the East, says: “If the Roman See recognises Pyrrhus [formerly Patriarch of Constantinople] to be not only a reprobate but a heretic, it is certainly plain that every one who anathematizes those who have rejected Pyrrhus, anathematizes the See of Rome, that is, he anathematizes the Catholic Church. I need hardly add that he excommunicates himself also, if indeed he is in communion with the Roman See and the Catholic Church of God.” In the same letter he speaks of “the Apostolic See, which from the incarnate Son of God himself, and also by all holy synods, according to the holy canons and definitions, has received universal and supreme dominion, authority and power of binding and loosing over all the holy Churches of God which are in the whole world”.

(8) Martin I appointed the Bishop of Philadelphia in Palestine as his vicar in the East in all ecclesiastical functions and offices, to appoint bishops, priests and deacons in all the  cities subject to the patriarchates of Jerusalem and Antioch, the appointments of Macarius as Patriarch of Antioch and Peter as Patriarch of Alexandria being null.

(9) Pope Agatho, in a letter read at the [Third] Council of Constantinople (the Sixth Ecumenical Council), after instancing various unsatisfactory doctrinal statements of Eastern prelates, wrote: “The holy Church of God… must be freed from errors like these, and the whole number of prelates and priests, and clergy and people… must confess with us the formula of truth and apostolic tradition, the evangelical and apostolic rule of faith, which is founded upon the firm Rock of blessed Peter, the prince of the Apostles, which by his favour remains free from all error.”

(10) The Emperor [Constantine IV] asked the assembled bishops whether they agreed with Agatho’s letter. George of Constantinople replied that he had found the testimonies from the Fathers, adduced by Agatho, to be accurate, “and so I profess and believe”. Fifteen individual assents followed, and then others in a body assented. Thus, while the evidence adduced by the Pope is verified, his dogma is accepted as it stands. As the bishops said in acclamation: “It is Peter who speaks through Agatho.”

(11) The Council, in its final decree, speaks of itself as “faithfully and with uplifted hands greeting the letter of the most holy and blessed Pope of elder Rome, Agatho, to our most faithful Emperor Constantine [IV]”.

(12) In its address to the Emperor the Council includes this remarkable piece of historical writing: “Constantine [I]… and the famous Silvester [I] [bishop of Rome]… assembled the great and illustrious [First] Council of Nicaea….” Similarly against Macedonius (i.e. at the [First] Council of Constantinople, the Second Ecumenical) “Theodosius [I] and Damasus [I] the adamant of the faith, immediately resisted him”. So “Celestine [I] and Cyril” resisted Nestorius (at Ephesus, 431); Leo [I] roared like a lion against Eutyches (sc. at the Council of Chalcedon); and “Vigilius agreed with the all-pious Justinian [I]” at the Fifth Ecumenical Council. We note that the Emperor [Theodosius II] had been supporting Nestorius at Ephesus, so that in that case a Bishop of Alexandria [Cyril] is mentioned beside the Pope [Damasus I]. But each of the other four previous Ecumenical Councils is described, by implication, as the achievement of the Emperor as civil head and of the Pope — obviously as ecclesiastical head. This is impressive as coming from an Ecumenical Council, and one which had had the Emperor [Constantine IV] as president and had accepted the dogmatic letter of the Pope [Agatho], a letter which, after expounding the true faith on the point at issue, had proceeded to state that, if the Patriarch of Constantinople refused “this irreprehensible rule… let him know that of such contempt he will have to make satisfaction… before the Judge of all, who is in heaven”. This was the letter “greeted with uplifted hands” by the Council, the same Council that denounced Pope Honorius as a heretic.

(13) In a letter to the Pope, the Council asked him to confirm its decision “by an honoured rescript”. This confirmation was granted by Pope Leo II, in A.D. 682.

Is it too much to say that, in this body of evidence, including actions and statements of an Ecumenical Council, we have as much proof as could be expected, from a period nearly twelve hundred years before the [First] Vatican Council, that the juridical and doctrinal primacy of the See of Peter is a genuine element in the faith of the Church? In particular I would urge our Eastern Orthodox and Anglo-Catholic friends to ask themselves, what was the united Catholic episcopate doing in A.D. 451 and again in A.D. 680, if it failed to protest against Papal claims which were already unequivocal, which were brought into play precisely in doctrinal issues which had set the whole East agog, and which nevertheless were (on modern Eastern and Anglican premises) a monstrous distortion of the Christian faith and a malignant cancer within the body of the Church? Yet on any principles purporting to be Catholic, surely the episcopate has a responsibility before God for preserving doctrinal purity and fidelity to “the tradition”….
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Chapter Eleven: The Body and the Spirit of the Church

I hope I have shown that Salmon did not speak the last word on these episodes and this story; that not only Catholics, but often also writers, more recent than Salmon, who do not acknowledge the truth of the Catholic claims, find nevertheless in some of these episodes a meaning that is compatible with the truth of the Vatican definition.

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Photo credit: book cover of Butler’s The Church and Infallibility, from its Amazon page.

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Summary: Bishop B. C. Butler critiqued the anti-infallibility arguments & rampant misrepresentations & quotes out of context, of anti-Catholic George Salmon, in 1954.

 

May 12, 2023

Gallicanism, Ultramontanism, and Petrine Primacy in the New Testament

The book, The Infallibility of the Church (1888) by Anglican anti-Catholic polemicist George Salmon (1819-1904), may be one of the most extensive and detailed — as well as influential — critiques of the Catholic Church ever written. But, as usual with these sorts of works, it’s abominably argued and relentlessly ignorant and/or dishonest, as the critiques listed below amply demonstrate and document.
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The most influential and effective anti-Catholic Protestant polemicist today, “Dr” [???] James White, cites Salmon several times in his written materials, and regards his magnum opus as an “excellent” work. In a letter dated 2 November 1959, C. S. Lewis recommended the book to a reader, Michael Edwards, who was “vexed” about papal infallibility (see: The Collected Letters of C. S. Lewis, Volume 3: Narnia, Cambridge, and Joy, 1950 – 1963, edited by Walter Hooper, New York: HarperCollins, 2007, p. 1133, footnote 24). Russell P. Spittler, professor of New Testament at Fuller Theological Seminary, wrote that “From an evangelical standpoint,” the book “has been standard since first published in 1888” (Cults and Isms, Baker Book House, 1973, 117). Well-known Baptist apologist Edward James Carnell called it the “best answer to Roman Catholicism” in a 1959 book. I think we can safely say that it is widely admired among theological (as well as “emotional”) opponents of the Catholic Church.
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Prominent Protestant apologist Norman Geisler and his co-author Ralph MacKenzie triumphantly but falsely claim, in a major critique of Catholicism, Roman Catholics and Evangelicals: Agreements and Differences (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1995, 206-207, 459), that Salmon’s book has “never really been answered by the Catholic Church,” and call it the “classic refutation of papal infallibility,” which also offers “a penetrating critique of Newman’s theory.”
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Salmon’s tome, however, has been roundly refuted at least twice: first, by Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record (March / May / July / September / November 1901 and January / March 1902): a response (see the original sources) — which I’ve now transcribed almost in its totality: adding up to more than 73,000 words, or approximately 257 pages (last two installments abridged a bit); secondly, by Bishop Basil Christopher Butler (1902-1986) in his book, The Church and Infallibility: A Reply to the Abridged ‘Salmon’ (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1954, 230 pages). See all of these replies — and any further ones that I make — listed under “George Salmon” on my Anti-Catholicism web page.
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See also my thorough refutation of Salmon’s false and scurrilous accusation of St. Cardinal Newman, regarding papal infallibility: John Henry Newman’s Alleged Disbelief  in Papal Infallibility Prior to 1870, and Supposed Intellectual Dishonesty Afterwards [8-11-11]
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Bishop Butler’s book is partially available (8 chapters of 11) in old Internet Archive files (see chapters one / two / three / four / five / six / seven) and another web page with Chapter Ten. Most of these files will eventually be inaccessible, so I have decided to select highlights of all of these chapters, and also from chapters eight, nine, and eleven, from my own hardcover copy of the book.  The words below are all from Bishop Butler, edited and abridged by myself. I will indicate which chapter excerpts are from, but not page numbers. Subtitles are not Salmon’s own. George Salmon’s words will be in blue; St. Cardinal Newman’s words in green.
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See other installments of this series:
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Chapter Six: The Vatican Council
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I do not know anything in the teaching of the modern Church which suggests that an Ecumenical Council (which requires papal acceptance as such for its claim to the title) is any less of a “main organ” than is the Pope, defining a doctrine (as recently that of the Assumption) without the formality of a Council. The country can be governed by Order in Council (a direct act of superior authority) or by Act of Parliament (and a Bill only becomes an Act when it receives the royal signature), but it would be rash to assume that the claim of Parliament to be the “main ” organ of government is not upheld. Similarly, it is of course simply a mistake to say, as Salmon himself does, (S, page 109) that “modern Catholics seek to show that infallibility does not reside in Councils.” The Church recognizes about twenty [now 21] Ecumenical Councils, and all their doctrinal definitions are accepted as infallible.

Chapter 10 of the Abridgement is devoted to the Vatican Council [1870], at which the Pope’s infallibility was defined and the old theological controversy between Gallicans (who thought a Council superior to a Pope) and Ultramontanes was thus terminated by a conciliar act. Salmon’s main source for his sharply critical account of the Council was apparently “Quirinus,” and this means that it was largely Dollinger, whom Mr. Woodhouse describes as “The great R.C. historian.” It is true of course that Dollinger was a great historian, and that he had been a Catholic. But for ten years before the Council he had been moving towards what in modern jargon might be called the “left” of the theological world, and he left the Church as a result of the Council and its decisions. He is therefore a partial witness.

[see my related article, Döllinger & Liberal Dissidents’ Rejection of Papal Infallibility (11-28-04) ]

There had been in antiquity what amounted to a traditional recognition that the Church of Rome had always been a citadel of orthodoxy, that its “line” on any doctrinal issue might be presumed to be correct, and that the infallible Peter spoke in the official utterance of the bishop who, as Bishop of Rome, inherited his “apostolic chair” (sedes apostolica). There had further been, and especially in the West, a practical recognition of Rome’s de jure leadership of the Catholic Church. Broadly speaking, these ideas met no serious and persistent opposition from orthodox ecclesiastical quarters either before 1054 (when, under Michael Caerularius, the Eastern Churches drifted into separation from the West) or, in the West, after that date, until the scandals of the Western schism and the period of the anti-Popes shook the prestige of the Roman See.

The Council of Constance (1414-17), in an endeavour to bring the Western schism to an end, declared that

a General Council, as representing the Universal Church, held its power immediately from Jesus Christ…and that every one, even the Pope, was bound to obey the Council in matters concerning the faith, the extinction of the schism, and the reform of the Church in its head and members; and that the Council had authority over the Pope as well as over all Christians.

This is the theory of theological (as distinct from political) Gallicanism, and the acts of this Council were approved by the Pope “saving the rights, dignity, and pre-eminence of the Apostolic See.” Theological Gallicanism found a home in France, where the great Bossuet (17th century) was one of its spokesmen, and though its famous “Four Articles” had in 1690 been declared by the Pope to be “null and void,” . . .

Meanwhile, the other, and ultimately victorious explanation of the relation of bishops (or Council) and Pope, had been systematically set forth by St. Robert Bellarmine in 1586. This is the theory known as Ultramontanism:

The Pope is the supreme judge in deciding controversies on faith and morals. When he teaches the whole Church in things pertaining to faith, he cannot err.

The nineteenth century, however, witnessed the rise of a movement of thought to which the name New Ultramontanism, or “Neo-Ultramontanism,” has been applied. [T]he school of thought opposed to the New Ultramontanism came to be described as “Gallican.” But, says [Cuthbert] Butler, “the liberal Catholics were not, as such, Gallicans” — that is, they did not, as such, maintain the theological Gallicanism of Bossuet. Their great leader was Montalembert, who declared that he detested Gallicanism and its official formularies; . . .

In England, Ullathorne may be taken as a typical case of a man educated on the lines of the old theological Gallicanism who, by the date of the Vatican Council, had evolved into a supporter of the moderate Ultramontanism canonised in that Council’s definition of faith. Cardinal Newman, the greatest of the Oxford converts, stated after the Council, as we have seen, that he had held this theological opinion ever since his conversion a quarter of a century earlier. But the great layman convert W. G. Ward, editor of the Dublin Review since 1863, was an ardent advocate of extreme theological Neo-Ultramontanism:

He held that the infallible element of bulls, encyclicals, etc., should not be restricted to their formal definitions, but ran through the entire doctrinal instructions; the decrees of the Roman Congregations, if adopted by the Pope and published by his authority, thereby were stamped with the mark of infallibility, in short, ‘his every doctrinal pronouncement is infallibly directed by the Holy Ghost’…Ward’s attitude to encyclicals and allocations was much like the Protestant attitude to the Bible…He insisted…that his view was the only Catholic one…only invincible ignorance excusing [those who rejected it] from mortal sin. [Cuthbert Butler, The Life and Times of Bishop Ullathorne, vol. 2, 41-44]

It can be well understood that such as extreme position, advocated with force and ability, by a theologian like Ward, aroused the greatest anxiety in more moderate men such as Newman, with a deep knowledge of Christian history and a sense of those “fine distinctions” which looked like treachery to Ward, and like special pleading to Salmon.

It will thus, I take it, be seen that it is altogether mistaken to suppose that the line which separates the minority at the Council from the majority must be the same as the line dividing those who held, from those who rejected, the opinion that the Pope as pastor of the flock of Christ is superior to any Council lacking his ratification, and that he is therefore infallible. There were those who held this opinion as theologically true, but feared either the extreme position of the Neo-Ultramontanes or the effect of even a moderate definition upon governments and upon non-Catholics, and the danger that it would lead to an undesirable “centralization” and a diminution of the rights and status of the other diocesan bishops. In fact, as we can now see, the Neo-Ultramontanes did not prevail at the Council, democratic governments have found it possible to maintain diplomatic relations with the Holy See, and the bishops had their authority secured to them in the Canon Law of the Latin Church. Unfortunately, many non-Catholics continue, like Salmon, to imagine that Neo-Ultramontanism is now the official creed of the Catholic Church.

Chapter Seven: St. Peter’s Primacy

The course of Salmon’s argument now takes him back from the Vatican Council to the origins of Christianity, and in the eleventh chapter of the Abridgement the “Petrine texts” and St. Peter’s position as deducible from the New Testament are investigated; and the claim is made that whatever special prerogatives Christ gave to the first among his Apostles, still no provision was made whereby these prerogatives should be transmitted to a line of individual successors of St. Peter.

Before descending into the detail of these discussions, there is a point which I think it legitimate to make here. The foundation of the Church’s “case against Protestantism” is that Christ entrusted his truth and grace to a visible society of human beings, the perpetuity of which society on earth is assured by divine Providence; and such a society does in fact appear to be the one direct outcome in history of Christ’s life on earth. Approaching the New Testament documents as historians, we see in them the evidence of that Church’s existence and activity in the apostolic generation. The books of the New Testament were written by and for members of that society. When we come to the second and subsequent centuries of our era the “Great Church” is indeed flanked by other more or less Christian bodies, and Christian influence makes itself felt beyond the limits of any social incorporations of Christianity. But these other bodies, in so far as they are (imperfectly) Christian, and these influences, all derive from the “Great” or “Catholic” Church. And so it has been ever since.

The story of Christianity has been, in fact, the story of a great central body known to itself and to the non-Christian world as the “Catholic Church,” and alongside it of other bodies and influences derived historically from it. I know that all Christians see things in this light. But no unprejudiced person will deny that this is at least a reasonable way of looking at the “Christian fact” in history, somewhat as the Copernican hypothesis is a reasonable way of looking at the phenomena relating to what we now call the solar system. Moreover, for a Christian who believes that something called “the Church” was established by Christ as an essential part of his work for all mankind, this way of looking at the Christian story makes sense of the New Testament evidence on this subject.

Now there is one text, and only one, in the Gospels, in which Christ’s intention to found such a “Church” is expressed in language incorporating the actual word “Church” (ecclesia). It is the famous words of Christ in the middle of St. Matthew’s Gospel:

Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-jonas, because flesh and blood hath not revealed it [viz. the fact that Jesus is ‘Christ the Son of the living God’] to thee, but my Father who is in heaven. And I say to thee: That thou art Peter; and upon this rock will I build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. And I will give to thee the keys of the Kingdom of heaven. And whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, it shall be bound also in heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth, it shall be loosened also in heaven. (Matthew 16:17-19)

This passage has, of course, and for obvious reasons, been the storm-centre of controversies, literary, historical, exegetical, and theological. All I want to do here, however, is to emphasize that the passage does stand there, in the New Testament, and in a prominent position in the New Testament.

The text cries out across the centuries to the contemporary fact and the contemporary fact harks back to the original commission. I venture to think that to anyone who believes in divine Providence; and especially to anyone who already believes, or inclines to believe, that the divine entered into the texture of human history in a unique and supreme way in the Person of Jesus of Nazareth; and above all to anyone who believes that Christ founded a visible society that was to represent him on earth till the end of history, this correspondence between the beginning and the end of the Christian story, so far as that story has yet been unrolled, is profoundly moving, claims the most earnest and prayerful attention, and is an invitation to faith.

The correspondence can, of course, more or less, be “explained away,” just as a believing Jew will “explain away” the correspondence between Old Testament Judaism’s messianic hope and the Christian message. The method of explaining away is to concentrate attention on the human and other creaturely causes which have influenced and in some measure affected the development of the Church. This is the method adopted by Salmon, and to a discussion of his use of it we must shortly turn.

It is surely no great straining of this text, to see in it the bestowal on Peter, for transmission to those who should succeed in his see, of the powers and privileges which Catholics believe that the Pope possesses. But even one who does not see this in the text, must surely admit that the scriptural evidence is not demonstrably inconsistent with the Catholic belief; and this is all we need. And so, too, with the evidence of subsequent history.

A Catholic does not yield religious faith to the Vatican definition because he thinks that the truth of the definition can be historically proved without appeal to the authority of the Church that holds its teaching commission from Christ. It may be difficult for a western non-Catholic to believe in the Papacy; but the difficulty will be principally caused by the fact that the non-Catholic does not yet believe in the Church as a visible association of baptized believers.

What, in fact, is contained in the passage of St. Matthew’s Gospel quoted above? It is desirable to read the passage in its context, and I suggest that we thus get the following as a probable exegesis.

St. Peter has confessed, on behalf of the other Disciples, that Jesus is “the Messiah, the Son of the living God.” In reply Christ first “congratulates” him on having learned this truth (the cardinal Christian truth when it is a question of distinguishing Christianity from Judaism) not by human means but by divine revelation. He then echoes St. Peter’s words to him; “[As thou hast said that I am Christ, the son of the living god] I in my turn say to thee, Thou art Kepha [the Aramaic for Rock].” The parallelism with Peter’s confession (which was not “Thou art Jesus,” but “Thou art the Messiah…”) indicates that Kepha is here not simply a personal name but a name denoting a function or office; and the nature of that function is at once made clear: “Thou art Rock, and upon this Rock I will build my Church.”

Peter then, in his official or functional capacity, is to be the firm substructure (not a foundation stone but the Rock on which the foundation stones will rest) of the Church which Christ will “build” as a builder builds a temple or a house. “Upon this Rock I will build my Church, and the gates of Sheol [i.e. the might of the city of the powers of evil] will not prevail against it [i.e. the Church, not I think, the Rock].” Thus the Church will have a stability that will make it at all times and for ever victorious over the worst assaults of the evil that is ever conspiring against the divine cause and purpose in history. And the source of this stability will be the Rock on which the Church is built.

We naturally compare the implied simile with that which terminates the Sermon on the Mount:

Every one therefore that heareth these my words and doth them, shall be likened to a wise man that built his house upon a rock, and the rain fell, and the floods came, and the winds blew, and they beat upon that house, and it fell not, for it was founded on a rock. (Matthew 7:24f)

We note Christ’s great concern for “stability.” It is stable perseverance that counts, not a “flash-in-the-pan” enthusiasm. So too he contrasted, in the parable of the Sower, the seed sown on good ground with, for instance, that which “endured only for a season.” So, too, he promised that “he who endured to the end” should be “saved.” The man whose character survives all the storms and stresses of natural life is he who rests his behaviour permanently on a permanent adhesion to Christ’s teaching.

An individual Christian may fail and fall, as Judas did. But Christ’s promise for his Church is that it will not fail or fall. The “gates of Sheol” will not prevail against it. And the reason is that it is built upon Peter, the Rock. I will point out, in passing, that the stability of the building obviously depends upon the persistence, and persistent functioning, of the Rock. To suggest that the Church can survive and outlive the office or function signified by Peter’s “official” name, is like suggesting that the “wise man,” having once accepted and acted upon Christ’s teaching, could thereafter dispense with that “rock” and yet hope to withstand the rain and floods and winds. If the Church is to persist — and Christ assures us that it will — then the Petrine function must a fortiori persist.

We may now continue with our text. “And I will give to thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven.” The “kingdom of heaven” is the Reign of God, and the “keys” are the outward sign of investiture as the major-domo, the “second-in-command” and representative of the King himself — compare the prophecy addressed to Sobna:

I will drive thee out from thy station, and depose thee from the ministry. And…I will call my servant Eliacim the son of Helcias, and I will clothe him with thy robe, and will strengthen him with thy girdle, and will give thy power into his hand; and he shall be as a father to the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and to the house of Juda. And I will lay the key of the house of David upon his shoulder: and he shall open, and none shall shut: and he shall shut, and none shall open. (Isaiah 22:19-22)

The conclusion to be drawn from this comparison is that in the Christian dispensation, which is the historical anticipation, the realisation “in a mystery,” of the post-historic Reign of God, Peter is to have the supreme authority as the “vicar” of the heavenly King. Finally, he is told that “whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven” etc. “Binding” and “loosing,” in the rabbinical usage, would mean excluding from, and granting readmission to, the community; or declaring the existence or the non-existence of a legal obligation. The phrase therefore seems to imply that Peter is to exercise a juridical function in the religious sphere, and his juridical decisions in this sphere will have divine sanction (“bound or loosed in heaven“).

This last sentence of the saying (“Whatsoever thou shalt bind” etc.) is repeated (with a change from the singular “thou” to the plural “you”) in a saying addressed to the Disciples in Matthew 18 (where the juridical meaning is suggested by the context, which deals with “excommunication”), and it has been argued that therefore nothing is given by it to Peter that is not given to each of the Apostles. But

  1. the plural reference in Matthew 18 may indicate that jurisdiction is there given to the Church as a whole, not (except by derivation) to each Apostle severally.
  2. The promise of the keys, in the preceding sentence, must be something peculiar to Peter, since there is no room for more than one Major-Domo in a household, one Grand Vizier in a realm. Nor is it enough to say that each Apostle (and bishop) will wield the power of the keys in his own sphere of jurisdiction or local Church; since there is no evidence to suggest that Christ ever represented himself as founding a plurality of Churches. “My Church” is to be conceived as a continuation on a higher plane of the divine theocracy of Israel, and this was (in idea) a single polity centering in the Temple, the Sanhedrim and the High Priest.
  3. The attempt to reduce Peter to the same level as the other Apostles breaks down most manifestly in the first of these three promises: “Thou art Rock, and upon this Rock I will build my Church.” Besides the fact that a single building will not require more than one rock to rest upon, the conclusive consideration here is that Simon Bar-jonas was the only one of the Disciples to whom the functional name Kepha (Rock) was given by Christ.

Thus we must give up the attempt to argue from the third promise (and its similarity to the promise of Matthew 18) that Peter is promised, in all this section, only equal authority with the other Apostles; and it is more reasonable to infer, from the uniqueness of the first promise, that special authority is given to him in the second; and that in the third he is given a power equivalent to that which in Matthew 18 is given to the Church as a whole.

From the Matthean passage we may now turn to John 21:13-17, with the twice-repeated injunction to Peter to “feed my lambs,” and a third bidding to “feed my sheep.” The comparison of the followers of Christ to a “flock” of which he is the shepherd occurs more than once in the Gospels. It seems reasonable to turn for illustration of John 21 to an earlier passage in the same Gospel (chapter 10) where the comparison occurs, and the unity of the flock is emphasized — “there shall be one flock and one shepherd.” With this passage in mind, I take it as the most probable interpretation of the triple injunction in John 21 that Christ is solemnly handing over the Christian flock to Peter as his own vicegerent, now that his own visible presence is about to be removed. Salmon indeed points out that the “office of tending Christ’s sheep” is not peculiar to St. Peter; the same duty is enjoined upon the Ephesian elders (Acts 10:28) and upon the elders addressed in 1 Peter 5:2. But the unity of the flock will depend upon there being one shepherd or “pastor” whose control is superior to that of any other: “one flock” requires “one shepherd.”

[Footnote: Of course, in John 10 the “one shepherd” is Christ himself. But the problem is, how the pastoral function is to be exercised in Christ’s “absence.” If one vice-pastor is not required for the one flock, there seems no reason why there should be any pastors at all other than Christ himself, and this is refuted not only by John 21 but Acts 10:28, and 1 Peter 5:2.]

And it is noteworthy that this appears to be St. Cyprian’s interpretation of the passage; while Cyprian is clear that each bishop is a “shepherd of the flock,” he describes St. Peter, and him alone among the Apostles, as him “to whom the Lord entrusts his sheep to be fed and guarded, upon whom he set and founded the Church.” If any uncertainty still remains, it should be remembered that the Johannine passage can be illustrated from the Matthaean passage, and vice versa. It is not quite natural to take the “keys” as nothing more than is given to each of the Apostles; nor is it quite natural to take the pastoral investiture of John 21 as nothing more than the apostolate to which each of the Eleven could lay claim; it is most unnatural to adopt both of these rather strained interpretations; and if a special function is intended in either case, it is probably intended in both cases.

Thirdly, there is Luke 22:32, “Satan hath desired to have you [plural, i.e. the Disciples] that he may sift you [plural]; but…thou [singular, i.e. Peter], being converted, establish thy brethren.” The passage, taken by itself, could not, as Salmon points out, be suspected to contain “a revelation concerning the Church’s appointed guide to truth in all time.” But Salmon’s principle in exegesis appears to be the (secular) Roman one: Divide and master, divide et impera. When it is recognized that Peter had been designated as the Rock and Viceroy, and was to be appointed the pastor, of Christ’s Church, Kingdom and Flock; and when it is remembered, in particular, that the function of the rock is to give stability to the superstructure, it is possible to hold that in this Lucan passage Peter is being bidden to exercise the stabilising function (establish, make firm, confirm) implied by his new name of Rock (though the name used in the Lucan context is not Peter or Kepha, but Simon). As Simon, Peter is a prey to temptation like his brethren; but as Peter he is called upon to impart to them a (supernatural) stability.

These four Gospel passages have of course to be seen against the general background of the New Testament; in which the primacy of Peter stands out so clearly, as is recognized perhaps by modern non-Catholic scholarship more fully than in Salmon’s day.

But Salmon tries to diminish the weight of the New Testament evidence in two ways.

(1) He argues that the Fathers of the Church did not find the papal primacy in these passages; and indeed that patristic exegesis often finds a different original meaning, or no special significance at all, in the texts which are adduced by Catholics in support of the primacy. We may reply

  1. the Fathers have a way of finding in a given text of Scripture just so much as is relevant to their interest at the moment — thus Origen can argue, for moral reasons, that (in a sense) each Christian is a “Peter” on which the Church is built. But they do not always mean to exclude other possible interpretations. They regarded the words of Scripture as full of unfathomable mysteries, and would take that aspect of truth which helped their immediate purpose.
  2. Salmon would hardly have objected to our preferring the real and full meaning of the New Testament passages to the meanings put upon them by individual Fathers.
  3. Dom John Chapman has a remarkable essay on St. John Chrysostom’s references to St. Peter, and to this article I refer anyone who wishes to know what one of the greatest ancient exegetes thought of the New Testament evidence in regard to Peter: “the first of the Disciples,” “the unshaken foundation,” “who was entrusted with the keys of heaven,” who did not receive the see of Jerusalem (given to St. James) because Christ “made Peter the teacher not of that see but of the world.”
  4. As the Church’s consciousness of the special role of the Church and See of Rome developed, so her exegesis developed too; and as her articulate view of the Papacy approximated gradually to that defined by the Vatican Council, so her interpretation of the Petrine texts came to approximate to what, I have argued, is their real meaning.

(2) Salmon writes:

[I]t seems to me the most obvious and natural way of understanding our Lord’s words (Matthew 16:17f) to take them as conferring a personal honour in reward for [Peter’s] confession. Thy name I have called Rock: and on thee and on this confession of thine I will found my Church. For that confession really was the foundation of the Church. Just as in some noble sacred music, the strain which a single voice has led is responded to by the voices of the full choir, so that glorious hymn of praise, which Peter was the first to raise, has been caught up and re-echoed by the voices of the redeemed in every age….Jesus fulfilled His promise by honouring [Peter] with the foremost place in each of the successive steps by which the Church was developed [first Pentecost, mission to Cornelius]. Thus the words of Christ were fulfilled in that Peter was honoured by being the foremost among the human agents by which the Church was founded. But I need not say that this was an honour in which it was impossible he could have a successor. We might just as well speak of Adam’s having a successor in the place which he occupied in the founding of the Christian Church.

Some comment on this passage seems to be called for. Peter is the Rock; and on him and on his confession [or having made his confession of faith] would the Church be founded. It is the confession that leads to Salmon’s discourse on sacred music; but in point of fact Christ does not promise to found his Church on Peter’s confession, but on Peter.

We can therefore dismiss the idea that Peter is being promised the honour of being the first of a vast succession of believers taking their cue from his confession of faith. But, indeed, the idea of “honour” seems strangely out of place in the Gospel. Christ warned his disciples against Pharisaic love of outward marks of honour, and there is literally nothing to suggest that he is here conferring “honour” on Peter. (Was Salmon misled by St. Cyprian, who speaks of the Apostles as having “parem honorem” ? But honos in Latin means an office — cf. cursus honorum, the scale of successive offices in the Republican magistracy.) He is “blessed,” just as the Disciples’ eyes are “blessed” because they see (Matt 13:16), but this blessedness is a supernatural grace, not an honour, it is a noblesse which confers no outward dignity but a frightening responsibility and a vocation to the Cross. “Peter was honoured by being the foremost among the human agents by which the Church was founded.” But to be one of the agents of the founding of the Church is not the same thing as being the Rock upon which Christ, the divine Builder, constructs his Church. It is true that, after Christ, the Apostles were, in a unique and unbequeathable sense, the Church’s “founders” — but this idea is in no way present in, or to be inferred from, the passage of which Salmon here presents himself as interpreter. His exegesis seems to me completely to miss the mark.

It would be rather strained to call the first notes of a concert, as such, the rock on which the concert is built. No-one would call a builder the rock which someone else builds the edifice. On the contrary, Peter is, not in his person but in his function, the Rock which gives stability to the structure of the Church (just as obedience to Christ’s teaching is the rock on which the Christian moral life is built), and whereas Adam’s race can survive Adam’s death, the structure will collapse if at any time the underlying rock is removed. I need hardly add that Salmon’s interpretation must break down still more obviously if it is sought to apply it to the promise of the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven.

But though Salmon’s explanation of Matt 16:18 seems quite untenable, the question whether Christ intended Peter to have a successor in his special functions remains to be considered on its own merits. Here it is to be remarked that there may be an aspect of these functions which was to be handed on, and another aspect that was incommunicable. There is an analogous distinction in the relationship of the episcopate to the Apostles. It is the teaching of the Church that the bishops inherit their office from the Apostles. Yet apostleship, in certain important aspects, was incommunicable. To have “seen the Lord” and to have received a commission immediately from him were essential to being an “Apostle of Christ” (Acts 1:20ff; Matt 10:2ff; 1 Cor 9:1; Rom 1:1; etc); and these privileges were incommunicable. But a mediated commission from Christ could be received by others from the Apostles, and this, we believe, is the origin of the episcopal authority. Similarly, Peter — not unlike Abraham the “father of faith” (cf. Isaiah 51:1-2) before him — had the unique and incommunicable privilege of being the first to have confessed Jesus as “Christ, the son of the living God”; but in another aspect his rocklike function may have been intended to have its abiding place in the Church — by transmission — as the Law of Moses had its abiding function in the Old Dispensation.

I assume that, as Christians, we believe that Christ intended his Church to continue to function as such till the end of history (“Lo, I am with you all the days even until the consummation of the age” — Matthew 28:20). We have, then, simply to ask: is it credible that Jesus gave to this Church a structure, an anatomy, which was to survive only for one generation? If the apostolic age of the Church required the guidance and governance of “hierarchy,” is it conceivable that the need would grow less as new generations were born and died?

And in particular, if the Kingdom required a Grand Vizier, the sheep a shepherd, in the few years following the Ascension, is it conceivable that this was regarded by Christ as a purely transitional requirement? If in the great “eschatological” discourse of Matthew 24 and 25, the prophetic gaze of Christ is directed over a remote vista of the future course of the Church in the world, was that Church to face wars and rumour of wars, persecution, treachery, and the “growing cold” of love, with no “vicar” of Christ such as himself provided for its triumphant beginnings? And to those who value the episcopacy but do not accept the Papacy, we may legitimately put the question: Why should the “college” of the ruling Twelve be perpetuated in bishops if the presidency of the college is not perpetuated in the successor of Peter?

It will be objected that at least there is no positive evidence in the New Testament of such an intention on the part of Christ. I suggest, in reply, that this is to misunderstand what Christ did when he not only “built” but gave authority to his Church. It is not only the ministry, but the Church, which we confess to be “apostolic” (“one, holy, catholic and apostolic”). Now apostleship connotes possession of transmitted authority — as an ambassador re-presents the authority of his sovereign. And the New Testament shows us the gift of this authority by Christ:

All authority hath been given [by my heavenly Father] unto me in heaven and on earth. Go ye therefore, and make disciples of all the nations…” (Matt 28:18-19); “As the Father hath sent me, even so send I you.” (John 20:21); “He that receiveth you, receiveth me; and he that receiveth me receiveth him that sent me. (Matt 10:40)

How had the Father sent Christ? He had sent him, as Christ’s words prove, with transmissible authority. If, then, Christ “sent” his Apostles as his Father had sent him, he sent them with an authority similarly transmissible. He empowered the infant Church to prolong its own life, and we must reasonably assume that he empowered it to perpetuate, or himself perpetuated in it, the features which his own action showed that he deemed necessary to it.

At the end of this wearisome investigation of the “Petrine texts,” let us return to the point at which this chapter started. The astonishing thing about the religion inaugurated by the humble Carpenter of Nazareth, the victim, as he might seem, of an enthusiasm little to the taste of those who held power in the Judaism of his day, is that this religion has survived, not as a mere flavouring in the hotch-potch of man’s inheritance from the distant past, as Stoicism may be said to survive in a vague kind of way in our European moral outlook, but as a recognisable and distinct entity, in the world, challenging the world, riding the storms of the breakdown of cultures, and still the one hope of a world which needs religion but cannot invent a religion by itself. That it has thus survived is due, humanly speaking, to the fact that that religion has from the first been a polity, a society, possessing a centre — as human associations must — which, since the death of St. Peter, has in fact been at Rome. The society is still with us; Rome is still its centre; and again we ask ourselves, is it not by the positive will of Providence that Rome’s centrality claims to be the fulfilment of the promise and commission to “Simon, Bar-jonas” ?

Additional Note[s]

It has been suggested that one of the factors leading in patristic times to a diversity of interpretation of the “Thou art Peter” saying, is that in Greek and Latin the name Peter has a masculine termination, while the word for rock (petra) has a feminine one. (The New Testament [e.g. Paul’s epistles] shows that almost certainly the name given to “Simon Bar-jonas” by Christ was Kepha. In Aramaic, the language in which Christ will have uttered the famous promise, it would run: “Thou art Kepha, and upon this Kepha will I build my Church.” It is hardly disputed among scholars today that Petros (the Greek for Peter) is meant not to distinguish Peter from petra (the rock) but to identify him with it.

The Apostles are foundation stones of the Church (cf. 1 Peter 2:4-5; Eph 2:19-20; Rev 21:14); Peter is the Rock on which these foundation-stones are laid.

Professor Cullmann on St. Peter. The eminent Lutheran scholar, Dr. Oscar Cullmann, has recently (1952) published an important work: Saint Pierre, Disciple, Apotre, Martyr (Delachaux et Niestle, Neuchatel). In it he maintains that the promises to Peter in Matthew 16 are an authentic part of that Gospel. He interprets the promise of the keys as a promise that Peter will be Christ’s commissioned manager (intendant) of the Church, and points out that the power of “binding and loosing” given to all the Apostles at a later point in this Gospel, is given to Peter in a special way. Similarly, the purport of the Johannine text “Feed my sheep” is, in his opinion, that Peter is to be the shepherd of the one flock of Christ. And he points out that Peter was in fact (and, he maintains, in consequence of Christ’s commission) the head of the Church of Jerusalem at a time when that Church was the whole Church. He thinks it probable that Peter died at Rome as a martyr in the Neronian persecution. But he argues that in the latter part of his life Peter put himself, as head of the Jewish Christian mission, under the leadership of St. James of Jerusalem. And he entirely denies that Peter’s primacy, though established by Christ, has been inherited exclusively by the Bishops of Rome. Peter was the Rock of the Church’s foundation, but none other has been, or could be, Rock in that sense.

Dr. Cullmann’s position seems to be one of “arrested development.” He fails to go all the way with Catholic thought and belief because (in consequence of certain views of his own on the character of New Testament “time,” but yet surely rather unreasonably) he denies to the post-apostolic Church’s authority that power of representing Christ which he acknowledges in the Church’s two great sacraments. He also parts company with Catholicism because he does not see that the Church is by nature an association and therefore incapable of existing in separate parts; he thus finds it possible to view the development of the Papacy as something to which the “Church” as a whole is not fully and finally committed.

But his book represents an important and promising approximation to the Catholic position.

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Go to Part 4

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Photo credit: book cover of Butler’s The Church and Infallibility, from its Amazon page.
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Summary: Bishop B. C. Butler critiqued the anti-infallibility arguments & rampant misrepresentations & quotes out of context, of anti-Catholic George Salmon, in 1954.

March 25, 2023

The Nature of Papal Infallibility & the Obligatory Discussion of Galileo

The book, The Infallibility of the Church (1888) by Anglican anti-Catholic polemicist George Salmon (1819-1904), may be one of the most extensive and detailed — as well as influential — critiques of the Catholic Church ever written. But, as usual with these sorts of works, it’s abominably argued and relentlessly ignorant and/or dishonest, as the critiques listed below amply demonstrate and document.
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The most influential and effective anti-Catholic Protestant polemicist today, “Dr” [???] James White, cites Salmon several times in his written materials, and regards his magnum opus as an “excellent” work. In a letter dated 2 November 1959, C. S. Lewis recommended the book to a reader, Michael Edwards, who was “vexed” about papal infallibility (see: The Collected Letters of C. S. Lewis, Volume 3: Narnia, Cambridge, and Joy, 1950 – 1963, edited by Walter Hooper, New York: HarperCollins, 2007, p. 1133, footnote 24). Russell P. Spittler, professor of New Testament at Fuller Theological Seminary, wrote that “From an evangelical standpoint,” the book “has been standard since first published in 1888” (Cults and Isms, Baker Book House, 1973, 117). Well-known Baptist apologist Edward James Carnell called it the “best answer to Roman Catholicism” in a 1959 book. I think we can safely say that it is widely admired among theological (as well as “emotional”) opponents of the Catholic Church.
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Prominent Protestant apologist Norman Geisler and his co-author Ralph MacKenzie triumphantly but falsely claim, in a major critique of Catholicism, Roman Catholics and Evangelicals: Agreements and Differences (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1995, 206-207, 459), that Salmon’s book has “never really been answered by the Catholic Church,” and call it the “classic refutation of papal infallibility,” which also offers “a penetrating critique of Newman’s theory.”
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Salmon’s tome, however, has been roundly refuted at least twice: first, by Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record (March / May / July / September / November 1901 and January / March 1902): a response (see the original sources) — which I’ve now transcribed almost in its totality: adding up to more than 73,000 words, or approximately 257 pages (last two installments abridged a bit); secondly, by Bishop Basil Christopher Butler (1902-1986) in his book, The Church and Infallibility: A Reply to the Abridged ‘Salmon’ (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1954, 230 pages). See all of these replies — and any further ones that I make — listed under “George Salmon” on my Anti-Catholicism web page.
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See also my thorough refutation of Salmon’s false and scurrilous accusation of St. Cardinal Newman, regarding papal infallibility: John Henry Newman’s Alleged Disbelief  in Papal Infallibility Prior to 1870, and Supposed Intellectual Dishonesty Afterwards [8-11-11]
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Bishop Butler’s book is partially available (8 chapters of 11) in old Internet Archive files (see chapters one / two / three / four / five / six / seven) and another web page with Chapter Ten. Most of these files will eventually be inaccessible, so I have decided to select highlights of all of these chapters, and also from chapters eight, nine, and eleven, from my own hardcover copy of the book.  The words below are all from Bishop Butler, edited and abridged by myself. I will indicate which chapter excerpts are from, but not page numbers. Subtitles are not his own. George Salmon’s words will be in blue; St. Cardinal Newman’s words in green.
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See other installments of this series:
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Chapter Three: The Alleged Argument in a Circle
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In the second chapter of the Abridgement Salmon sets out to show that “when men profess faith in the Church’s infallibility, they are, in real truth, professing faith in their own,” although, in his opinion, the very reason why people submit to the Church’s infallible claim is that they are afraid of their own fallibility:

The craving for an infallible guide arises from men’s consciousness of the weakness of their understanding….It seems intolerable to men that, when their eternal interests are at stake, any doubt or uncertainty should attend their decisions and they look for some guide who may be able to tell them, with infallible certainty, which is the right way.

Before examining Salmon’s argument in this chapter, it may be as well to remind ourselves that the Church’s claim to infallibility is not a modern invention but something that has its roots in Christian antiquity and the New Testament. I know indeed, of no definition of faith in which the word “infallible” occurs earlier than that of the [First] Vatican Council:

We define that the Roman Pontiff, when he speaks ex cathedra….is endowed with that infallibility wherewith the divine Redeemer willed his Church to be armed in defining [her] teaching on faith or morals.

The word means, according to the Concise Oxford Dictionary, “incapable of erring.”

Infallibility an Ancient Belief

But despite the late arrival of the word in the language of the articles of faith, the claim that it involves is ancient. It is implicit in many statements, indeed in the whole theological standpoint, of Origen of Alexandria and Palestinian Caesarea (c. AD 220-250) :

Whereas there are many who think that they have the mind of Christ, and some of them hold views diverse from those of former times, let the Church’s teaching [ecclesiastica praedicatio] be maintained, which has been handed down in one succession from the Apostles and abides till the present day in the Churches. That alone is to be believed truth which in no respect disagrees with the ecclesiastical and apostolic tradition. [De Principiis, prol, ii. This passage survives only in a Latin translation. By “Churches” Origen means the several local Churches of which the universal Church consists.]

Who would not be eager to fight for the Church and to stand up against the foes of truth, those that is who teach men to oppose the dogmas of the Church? [In Num hom xxv, 4 (extant only in Latin).]

The same implication pervades the writings of Cyprian of Carthage. In common with the whole of Catholic antiquity, St. Cyprian taught that salvation was to be sought only within the visible unity of the Catholic Church. But the Catholic Church then, as now, refused its communion to those who, in its judgment, “disagreed with the ecclesiastical and apostolic tradition” (Origen, quoted above). It follows that salvation was to be sought only by accepting the dogmatic decisions of the Church, and since, in the objective order of things, it cannot be God’s will that we should attain salvation by accepting error, it follows further that the Church’s dogmatic decisions are not liable to error.

I have singled out, in Origen and Cyprian, two early Catholic teachers. But it is to be observed that the principle extra ecclesiam nulla salus (outside the Church, no salvation) was, as I have said, common to the whole ancient Church. That Church therefore was making an implicit claim to infallibility when, as in the Ecumenical Councils, it put its ban (anathema) on those who rejected its teaching. It was conscious, in the words of the New Testament, of being the “ground and pillar of truth” (1 Tim 3:15) and it claimed to define this truth and so to exclude errors. A heretic, in the ancient and modern meaning of the word, is one who contradicts this truth or these definitions, and Catholic antiquity was unanimous in holding that heretics were in error. The word “infallible” is a sort of witch-word, arousing non-rational emotional antipathies in modern men. It may therefore be useful to point out that when the modern Church claims to be “infallible” she is only making the claim which the Church has always made — that her teaching is true and that “heretical” teaching is, as such, erroneous.

Confusing Infallibility with Certainty

“our belief must, in the end, rest on an act of our own judgment, and can never attain any higher certainty than whatever that may give us.” . . . “I do not see how a Roman Catholic advocate can help yielding the point that a member of his Church does, in truth, exercise private judgment, once for all, in his decision to submit to the teaching of the Church.” . . . “The result is, that absolute certainty can only be had on the terms of being infallible one’s self.” 

Now no one, so far as I know, has ever maintained that an act of faith, in one who has reached the age of reason, does not involve or imply an act of personal decision, and a Roman Catholic advocate has no inclination to contest this point. The Church teaches that an act of faith is a virtuous act, and no act can be virtuous unless it comes from the intelligence and will of the agent. We do not merely concede the point, we strongly maintain it. But it does not in the least follow that when I say “I believe the Church to be infallible” I am in effect saying “I believe myself to be infallible.” On the contrary, I am saying, “God, in giving the Church as a reliable teacher of his truth, has of course made her recognizable precisely by fallible people like me. She is recognizable, and I recognize her.”

Salmon has confused the notion of infallibility with that of certainty, and he appears to identify the notion of belief with that of certainty, so that (on his showing) any act of belief, whatever the object of the act, is a claim to personal infallibility — a conclusion so paradoxical that it can hardly have been intended by him. Let us try to distinguish these three notions, of belief or faith, of certainty, and of infallibility.

Faith, Certainty, and Infallibility

(1) “Belief” may mean a variety of things. A man may say “I believe that the Church is infallible” in the same sense that he may say “I believe that we are in a spell of fine weather,” expressing no more than that some considerations make it seem to him not improbable that the Church is infallible. If he says “I believe in the Church’s infallibility” he probably means something more than this, but he does not necessarily mean that he is certain that the Church is infallible. He may be only expressing a strong conviction, and we are strongly convinced of a good many things of which we could not rightly claim to be certain. Of course, on the other hand, “I believe in the Church’s infallibility” may be an act of supernatural faith; it may imply acceptance (of the Church’s infallibility) on the word of God, and the Church teaches us that such an act is an act of certainty.

(2)The notion of certainty in the sense which interests us here, is distinct from that of belief. Belief may be accorded to opinions that are not true. But it is impossible to hold with certainty something which in fact — whatever the appearances may be — is false. Certainty is a quality of some of our acts of apprehension of truth. Thus I am certain of my own existence.

(3) But though I am certain of my own existence, I am not infallible. Infallibility connotes that one is not liable to error within some whole province of truth — as the Church, according to the Vatican definition, claims infallibility in the province, not of science or politics, but of “faith and morals.” But though I am certain of my own existence, I am not free from my liability to error in the province of metaphysics; I am certain of a particular proposition, I am not infallible in a given science, and many of my judgments in that science may prove to be erroneous, though not the particular judgment (of whose truth I am certain) that I exist. As usual Cardinal Newman states the distinction between certainty (or as he styles it, certitude) and infallibility with luminous clarity:

It is very common, doubtless, especially in religious controversy, to confuse infallibility with certitude, and to argue that, since we have not the one, we have not the other, for that no one can claim to be certain on any point, who is not infallible about all; but the two words stand for things quite distinct from each other. For example, I remember for certain what I did yesterday, but still my memory is not infallible; I am quite certain that two and two make four, but I often make mistakes in long addition sums. I have no doubt whatever that John or Richard is my true friend, but I have before now trusted those who failed me, and I may do so again before I die.

A certitude is directed to this or that particular proposition, it is not a faculty or gift, but a disposition of mind relative to the definite case which is before me. Infallibility, on the contrary, is just that which certitude is not; it is a faculty or gift, and relates, not to some one truth in particular, but to all possible propositions in a given subject-matter. We ought, in strict propriety, to speak not of infallible acts, but of acts of infallibility….I am quite certain that Victoria is our Sovereign, and not her father, the late Duke of Kent, without laying any claim to the gift of infallibility….I may be certain that the Church is infallible, while I am myself a fallible mortal; otherwise, I cannot be certain that the Supreme Being is infallible, until I am infallible myself….It is wonderful that a clearheaded man, like Chillingworth, sees this as little as the run of everyday objectors to the Catholic Religion… [Grammar of Assent (1903), 224f.]

The Grammar of Assent, from which the above quotations are taken, was published in 1870 and Salmon’s fourth lecture “was chiefly concerned” with it (see Mr. Woodhouse’s note, page 34 of the Abridgement). It can only be a matter of surprise that Salmon nevertheless chooses to follow Chillingworth and to perpetuate the misunderstanding which Newman so clearly explains.

More Misunderstandings and Errors of Salmon

On page 16, Salmon suggests that a prospective convert is asked to believe that he has been hitherto following “a way which must end in your eternal destruction.” But it must be remembered that it is not religious error, but blameworthy religious error, that is to say error due to a moral fault on the part of the person in error, that Catholics hold to be liable to divine punishment. In the overwhelming majority of cases, non-Catholic religious persons are probably “not guilty” in this way. Guilt may occur when a man’s conscience tells him that he ought to re-examine his position, and he nevertheless omits to do so.

On page 18f, Salmon contrasts a Protestant’s deference to the theologian with the Catholic’s deference to “Pius IX…an Italian ecclesiastic, of no reputation for learning.” But, of course, a Catholic does not defer to the Pope because of his natural qualities or acquired theological skill, but because (as the Catholic believes) the Pope is assisted by divine Providence when he pronounces an ex cathedra definition: “Out of the mouths of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise. Thou hast concealed these things from the wise and prudent and has revealed them unto little ones.”

On page 22 Salmon states the alleged circular argument for Catholicism, with reference to Scripture texts, as follows:

They say, ‘The Church is infallible, because the Scriptures testify that she is so, and the Scriptures testify this because the Church infallibly declares that such is their meaning’; and he goes on: We find ourselves in the same circle if we try to prove the Church’s infallibility by antiquity, sayings of the Fathers, by reason, or in any other way. The advocates of the Church of Rome have constantly maintained that, on religious questions, nothing but the Church’s authority can give us certainty….All the attempts of Roman Catholic controversialists to show the helplessness of men without the Church make it impossible to have any confidence in their success in finding the Church. 

The names of “advocates of the Church of Rome” who land themselves in this argumentative circle are not given. I cannot defend “advocates” unknown to me who adopt a line of argument which I do not accept. On the contrary, I would point out that the Church is one of the strongest “advocates” of the reliability of human reasoning powers when applied in a natural way upon their appropriate subject matter. The [First] Vatican Council stated that the Church holds and teaches “that God, the Source and Goal of all things, can be certainly recognized by the natural light of human reason.” It further states God has deigned to give not only the inner help of the Holy Spirit but (so that the obedience of faith may harmonize with reason)

external arguments in favour of his revelation, namely divine deeds and especially [imprimis] miracles and prophecies….which are most certain signs of divine revelation and are fitted to the understanding of all men.

Right reason, in fact, “shows the foundations of faith.” On page 25 Salmon argues that

the truth of the conclusion of a long line of arguments cannot be more sure than our assurance of the truth of each link in the argument, and of the validity of each step in the inference.

To this I reply that the grounds of credibility of the Catholic Church are not the end of a single line of reasoning, but the meeting-point of a series of converging arguments — like, as I have suggested above, the grounds we have for our estimate of the character of someone we love. Many adult converts will remember how it was first one thing, then another, that made them feel that the Catholic claims required to be investigated; and how a time came when their defenses against Catholicism began to crack first at one point, then at another, till at last they felt themselves being drawn by a pull of manifold quality but of a strength like that of some tremendous love affair; with the difference that they felt perhaps no particular emotional attraction to the faith, were indeed acutely conscious of the terrible sacrifices involved in its acceptance, and yet loyalty to their own intellectual and moral conscience demanded in the end that they should take the “mortal leap” into life.

We return at page 26 to Newman, with the quotation “Faith must make a venture and is rewarded by sight” (Loss and Gain, 1903, page 343). It would perhaps suffice to point out that these words are spoken, in the novel from which they are taken, by a non-Catholic fictional character, and it is not usual to assume that a novelist believes whatever he makes one of his characters say. But I prefer to remark that there is a quite unobjectionable meaning that can be put upon these words. Faith may be perfectly reasonable, may be something recognized coolly as a duty, and yet it will always be a “venture” because though reason tells us to believe in the word of God’s accredited messenger (be that messenger Christ or Christ’s Church), yet the content of the message includes mysteries which the reason can never fathom.

Queen Elizabeth I is credited with a remark about the Blessed Sacrament as follows: “What our Lord himself doth make it, that I do believe and take it.” There was obviously a venture of faith here, since however certain the Queen was that Christ was a true Teacher, the thing he taught when he said “This Is My Body” is profoundly mysterious. But faith, says the character in the novel, “is rewarded by sight.” This is only strictly true when, in heaven, faith gives place to vision. There is, however, a kind of truth about it even in this life, at least for some people.

Newman himself says that “from the time I became a Catholic….I have been in perfect peace and contentment; I never have had one doubt.” [Apologia pro vita Sua, 238. The Apologia was written some 18 years after its author’s conversion.] This is an interesting echo of the concluding quotation in the Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine written at the time of his conversion. He there quotes in Latin from the Song of Simeon: “Now, Lord, thou lettest thy servant depart, according to thy word, in peace, because my eyes have seen Thy salvation.”

If the reader is not already wearied by this long list of points in this chapter of the Abridgement which call for correction, there is still one more (on page 27), where Salmon says that a Catholic “must reject every attempt to test the teaching of his Church by reason or Scripture or antiquity,” since the Church’s “first principle” is “that her teaching shall be subjected to no criticism.” On this I observe as follows:

(1) In the Church’s mind an intelligent adult is not ripe for reception into the Church until he has been duly instructed and is morally certain that he has, as it is often but perhaps inaccurately described, “received the grace of faith”; [79]

(2) The Church protects her “little ones” from unsettling literature just as a human parent would; but

(3) she encourages her more capable sons and daughters to study and understand her credentials and the objections which are made against her claim, not only to strengthen the substructure of their own faith but to equip them for the propagation of the truth.

Chapter Four: On Deference to Authority

Salmon is anxious that it shall not be supposed that, in repudiating the notion of infallibility, he rejects all deference to authority in the sphere of religious doctrine:

On the contrary, we think it every man’s duty, who has to make a decision, to use every means in his power to guide his judgment rightly. Not the least of the means is the instruction and advice of people better informed than ourselves”; thus a clergyman may expect deference for his theological opinions from a layman “just so far, and no more, as he has given more and more prayerful study to those subjects than the layman has.

It will be observed, and indeed Salmon insists on the point, that the authority of the clergyman is in no way derived from his office as a minister of the Church, but simply from his prayer and study. The theme is taken up below:

God has made the world so that we cannot do without teachers. We come into the world…dependent on the instruction of others for our most elementary knowledge. The most original discoverer that ever lived owed the great bulk of his knowledge to the teaching of others….Boys will not respect a teacher if they find out that he is capable of making mistakes….But you know that the teacher’s infallibility is not real….With respect to the teaching of secular knowledge, Universities have a function in some sort corresponding to that which the Church has been divinely appointed to fulfill in the communication of religious knowledge….The whole progress of the human race depends on two things — human teaching, and teaching which will submit to correction….I maintain that it is the office of the Church to teach; but that it is her duty to do so, not by making assertion merely, but by offering proofs; and, again, that while it is the duty of the individual Christian to receive with deference the teaching of the Church, it is his duty also…to satisfy himself of the validity of her proofs.

The position adopted by Salmon in the above quotations is somewhat different from that earlier stated, in which it appeared that a single intelligent man, presented with a vernacular Bible, could determine what doctrines were contained in Scripture. It is worth dwelling on the present re-statement of Salmon’s attitude to authority, as it, or something like it, has become common in certain non-Catholic circles, especially since the belief in Scripture’s inerrancy has been so widely abandoned.

St. John Chrysostom and “Bible Reading”

As regards the fourth century Church’s belief in her power to define the Christian faith — and therefore in her infallibility — it may be observed that about sixteen years before the consecration of John Chrysostom as Bishop of Constantinople the peace of the Church in the Eastern half of the Roman Empire had been established by the Council of Constantinople (AD 381, this Council is now reckoned as the second Ecumenical) on the basis of the “Nicene faith” : and it will be remembered that the Nicene faith was crystallised in the word “consubstantial”, which was not scriptural, and to which objection had even been taken on the ground that it was untraditional.

When Salmon concludes, from his quotations of St. John Chrysostom, that though the Fathers of the fourth century may not have been “English Protestants of the nineteenth…they thoroughly agree with us on fundamental principles” whereas the principles of the Church of Rome are different, it seems unnecessary to say more than that such statements are so extravagantly wide of the mark as to reflect little credit on Salmon’s historical sense. The fundamental principle of fourth-century Catholicism was that the Church was a society, an organized body; and that the Christian faith was the corporate faith of this body, not the theological opinions of an individual or a local Church exercising unfettered freedom of judgment upon its constituent articles.

Chapter Five: The Catholic Position on Infallibility

In Chapter VI of the Abridgement it is objected against the Church’s claim to infallibility that her actual behaviour suggests that she does not belief in it herself.

I think it admits of historical proof that the Church of Rome has shrunk with the greatest timidity from exercising this gift….on any question which had not already settled itself without her help.

Salmon goes on to suggest that several papal decisions are now known to have been wrong, and the case has to be met by “pitiable evasions”“the Pope was not speaking ex cathedra; that is to say, he had guided the Church wrong only in his private not his professional capacity.”

Misconceptions of Infallibility

This passage suggests such a false notion of what Catholics conceive to be the nature, function, and conditions of the exercise of infallibility that it seems desirable here to give a statement of the Catholic position on these matters.

Catholics do not affirm that either the Church or the Pope, her head on earth, is omniscient (all-knowing). They do not affirm that infallibility is equivalent to revelation of new truth or to inspiration. Nor do they affirm that it covers truths which are not integral to the faith or to morality (faith and morals). Neither the Church nor the Pope has the function of settling mathematical or scientific controversies. Nor is it supposed that within the region of revealed truth the Church or the Pope has the answer ready to hand at every moment, for any question that might be raised. It is quite consistent with the Catholic claim, to hold that the Church could not have defined, for instance, the Immaculate Conception in any century earlier than the nineteenth. There is a gradual ripening of theological thought, a slow deepening of the spiritual insight of the faithful. Thomas Aquinas, a Doctor of the Church and the greatest exponent of systematic theology in medieval times, denies the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception; he prefers the view that Mary was conceived in original sin and was purified of its stain in the moment after her conception. His reason for this opinion is of profound interest; it seems to him that if Mary was not conceived in original sin she was not redeemed by her divine Son, the Saviour of all mankind. Other medieval thinkers disagreed with St. Thomas, and the Council of Trent deliberately left the controversy (between the first and the second moment of Mary’s existence, be it noted) undetermined.

Excerpts from Newman’s “Letter to the Duke of Norfolk”

As the “Letter to the Duke of Norfolk” was published many years before the first edition of Salmon’s book, it may be of interest to refer to Newman’s comments on the Vatican definition in that celebrated work. He there states (p. 320) that the Church “has ever shown the utmost care to contract, as far as possible, the range of truths and the sense of propositions” of which she demands reception simply on her own word as God’s representative. And in fact the “range” of the Pope’s infallibility is most materially contracted by the conditions attached to it by the Vatican definition (p. 325); on this Newman quotes “the Swiss bishops”: “The Pope is not infallible as a man, as a theologian, or a priest, or a bishop, or a temporal prince, or a judge, or a legislator, or in his political views, or even in his government of the Church” since in none of these cases are the definition’s conditions verified.

Again, it will hold of the Pope, as it holds of a Council, that he is not infallible in the reasons by which he is led, or on which he relies. Nor is it necessary to hold that he is directly and actually exercising his infallibility in the “prefaces and introductions” to his definitions (p. 326). Of the Pope, again, as of a Council, it is true that his infallibility in its actual exercise requires not a “direct suggestion of divine truth” (an inspiration or a special revelation) but “simply an external guardianship, keeping [him] off from error” and saving him “as far as [his] ultimate decisions are concerned, from the effects of [his] inherent infirmities” (p. 328). “What providence has guaranteed is only this, that there should be no error in the final step, in the resulting definition or dogma.” (ibid).

The whole of this section of the “Letter” (p. 320-40) deserves study, and is a useful check upon the criticisms which Salmon urges against infallibility. A rather more extensive quotation may be of use to some readers:

From these various considerations it follows that Papal and Synodal definitions, obligatory on our faith, are of rare occurrence; and this is confessed by all sober theologians. Father O’Reilly, for instance, of Dublin, one of the first theologians of the day, says:

The Papal Infallibility is comparatively seldom brought into action. I am very far from denying that the Vicar of Christ is largely assisted by God in the fulfilment of his sublime office….that he is continually guided from above in the government of the Catholic Church. But this is not the meaning of Infallibility….

This great authority….I am sure, would sanction me in my repugnance to impose upon the faith of others more than what the Church distinctly claims of them; and I should follow him in thinking it a more scriptural, Christian, dutiful, happy frame of mind, to be easy, than to be difficult of belief….To be a Catholic a man must have a generous loyalty towards ecclesiastical authority, and accept what is taught him with what is called the pietas fidei….I end with an extract from the Pastoral of the Swiss Bishops, a Pastoral which has received the Pope’s approbation.

It in no way depends upon the caprice of the Pope, or upon his good pleasure, to make such and such a doctrine, the object of a dogmatic definition. He is tied up and limited to the divine revelation, and to the truths which that revelation contains. He is tied up and limited by the Creeds, already in existence, and by the preceding definitions of the Church. He is tied up and limited by the divine law, and by the constitution of the Church. Lastly, he is tied up and limited by that doctrine divinely revealed, which affirms that alongside religious society there is civil society…. [338f.]

Wilfrid Ward says, of the “Letter to the Duke of Norfolk” that it was “welcomed” by the English Catholics “almost without a dissentient voice.” [Life of John Henry Cardinal Newman, ii, 406.] As regards the conditions of an infallible papal handbook, in which, after pointing out that the Pope is infallible, not incapable of sinning, the author states that these conditions are as follows:

The Pope must be speaking not as a private teacher, nor as Bishop of the city of Rome, nor as a temporal prince, but as a shepherd and teacher of the whole Church in virtue of his supreme authority; he must be teaching a truth of faith or morals; he must define, i.e. finally settle what is to be held with really interior faith; and the definition must impose an obligation on the universal Church. [Tanquerey, Brevior Synopsis Theologiae Dogmaticae (6th ed), 119f.]

Salmon for his part, is impatient of such limitations — he is like the neo-Ultramontanes before the Vatican Council, and would wish, if there be an infallible authority, to extend rather than to limit its scope and range. I can understand, though I do not share, this desire; especially as the Vatican definition’s limitations make Salmon’s task of discrediting the doctrine of infallibility so much more difficult. He writes, a propos of Pope Honorius:

….the only distinction in this matter that I can recognize as rational is that between the pope’s official and non-official utterances….

Drawing Difficult Distinctions

Well, Catholic theologians do not find themselves in Salmon’s unfortunate intellectual predicament. They recognize a perfectly rational distinction between those official papal utterances which conform to the definition’s conditions and those which do not, and it may be argued that the careful wording of the definition might have been intended precisely to exclude from it official utterances such as the condemned proposition of Honorius.

The unscientific temper of Salmon’s mind, so clear in this impatient rejection of an all-important theological distinction, is apparent also in a passage in which he argues that the theory of development is inconsistent with the claim that the Church’s teaching is “final and perfect”:

[The theory of development] acknowledges that the teaching of the Church may be imperfect and incomplete; and though it is too polite to call it erroneous, the practical line of distinction between error and imperfection is a fine one and difficult to draw.

One is tempted to despair of a serious author who invites us to neglect or reject a line of distinction because it is “a fine one and difficult to draw.” The whole process of man’s deepening apprehension and understanding of reality depends upon such fine distinctions, and the really informative objects of study are “limiting cases.” I hope that what has been said above may serve to answer in some measure Salmon’s case against infallibility so far as that case is based upon the supreme authority’s “hesitations.”

Thus it is no argument against the reality of belief in the Church’s infallibility that the Council of Trent did not settle the question of the Immaculate Conception. The matter, we may suppose, was not ripe for decision. But Salmon argues that, since the caution observed on that occasion was partly due to fear of precipitating a schism, it is clear that those who were liable to go into schism, if an infallible decision were given, cannot have believed in infallibility, since it is absurd not to accept the decision of an authority whom you believe to be incapable of error. Absurd, I agree. But all sin is absurd, and the Church knows with unrivalled experience that this absurdity is possible. A monk who refuses the obedience he has solemnly vowed to a legitimate superior in a morally neutral manner is not necessarily dubious of the binding force of a solemn vow, or of the fact that God punishes disobedience. Yet such disobedience occurs, and some way will be found to “rationalize” it. The fact that Dollinger seceded from the Church after the Vatican Council is no proof that he disbelieved in the Church’s infallibility before the Council took place.

The Condemnation of Galileo

In a book whose purpose is, among other things, to show that the Pope is not infallible, it was almost inevitable that the condemnation of Galileo would come under discussion, and Salmon in fact spends eight pages on it. The admitted facts of the case are that in 1615 the Holy Office informed Pope Pius V that in their opinion the proposition “that the sun in the unmoving centre of the universe” was absurd, false, and “formally heretical.” In consequence, the Pope instructed St. Robert Bellarmine to tell Galileo that he must abandon his notions, and (if he refused) that he must abstain from teaching his doctrine. Galileo therefore promised obedience. But in 1632 there appeared his Dialogue on “The Two Principal Systems of the World.” Before its publication, the Pope (Urban VIII) had stipulated that the book must conclude with an argument propounded by the Pope himself; and that the subject must be treated from a purely hypothetical standpoint. As published, however, while it failed to incorporate the revisions insisted on by the Roman censor before publication, it was found that the Pope’s own argument had been put into the mouth of a character in the Dialogue who was represented as a simpleton. Galileo was summoned before the Holy Office, and in 1633 this tribunal pronounced that he was

….vehemently suspected by this Holy Office of heresy, that is, of having believed and held the doctrine (which is false and contrary to the Holy and Divine Scriptures) that the sun is the centre of the world….and also that an opinion can be held and supported as probable after it has been declared and finally decreed contrary to the Holy Scripture….

Sentence having been pronounced, Galileo read and signed an act of abjuration in which he declared that he was rightly suspected of heresy, and promised not in the future to maintain the condemned opinions. Such are the facts, and it is clear “that the Roman Congregations both in 1616 and in 1633….” based a disciplinary decree on what they declared to be heresy but is obviously not heresy. And in both cases the Pope acquiesced.

But it is equally clear that these decrees do not conform to the conditions laid down by the Vatican Council for an ex cathedra definition of doctrine. First, because they do not define doctrine. Church law distinguishes between disciplinary and doctrinal decrees, and the doctrinal motives stated or implied in a disciplinary decree are not part of its formal intention. Secondly, these decrees, though approved by the Pope, were each a decree of a Congregation, not formally an act of the Pope, and even his approval could not make either of them into an ex cathedra definition.

I cannot therefore agree with Salmon that if the Pope did not speak infallibly in these decrees “it will be impossible to know that he ever speaks infallibly.” On the contrary, the circumstances of the definition of the Immaculate Conception certainly conform to the Vatican Council’s conditions for an infallible definition, while those of the Galileo decrees certainly do not. Salmon may think it regrettable that the Pope did not decide “infallibly” the truth or falsehood of the hypothesis, but this opinion will not be shared by everyone.

It is worth noticing that a Jesuit theologian and astronomer, opposed to Galileo, wrote as follows in 1651 (less than twenty years after Galileo’s second condemnation):

As there has been no definition on this matter by the Sovereign Pontiff, nor by a Council directed and approved by him, it is in no way of faith that the sun moved and the earth is motionless, at least the decree does not make it so, but only at most the authority of Holy Scripture — for those who are morally sure that God has revealed it to be so. Still, all Catholics are obliged by prudence and obedience….not to teach categorically the opposite of what the decree lays down. [Riccioli, in Almagestum Novum, Bologna, i, 52]

It should be further noticed that Galileo might have avoided all collision with ecclesiastical authority if he had been content to remain on the scientific plane and had avoided all discussion of the theological implications of his hypothesis. He might have acted in accordance with the advice given by Ballarmine in 1615 to another Copernican:

Your reverence and Galileo would be acting prudently if you did not speak absolutely but provisionally, as, I believe, Copernicus did; in a word, it is sufficient to say that by supposing that the earth moves and that the sun is fixed, the phenomena we know are better explained than by epicycles and eccentrics; this does not offer any difficulty and is quite sufficient for the mathematician.

(Since Einstein, modern science [or should we say “some modern scientists” ?] seems to have come round to the conclusion that the Ptolemaic system and the Copernican system both made “the important mistake of failing to stress that motion is relative. The question whether the earth goes round the sun is wrongly posed; the answer depends upon the point of view of the observer — to an observer on the sun the earth appears to revolve, to an observer on the earth the sun appears to revolve, because the motion is relative.”) [E.F. Caldin, The Power and Limits of Science, 88.]

On the other hand we may certainly regret that Galileo’s theological opponents did not themselves insist that the matter should be kept rigidly within the confines of science, and did not take more thoroughly to heart the words of St. Thomas Aquinas:

In astronomy, the hypothesis of epicycles and eccentrics [i.e. the Ptolemaic system] is laid down, because by it justice can be done to the appearances of the motions in the sky; but this is not a decisive consideration, since another hypothesis might [also] do justice to these movements.

And in fact, whereas Luther and Melanchthon (another great Protestant leader) had violently attacked Copernicus’ hypothesis, Clement VII had apparently rather favoured it, and over eighty years elapsed before the theological tentatives of Galileo led to the unfortunate decrees which we have here discussed.

There is no need to deal at length with Salmon’s apparent inclination to think that Galileo was harshly treated. He was apparently compelled to go to Rome to answer the charges against him when he was an old and sick man and his movements and social intercourse were to some extent restricted after the trial. To those who are familiar with the story of religious intolerance in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, this treatment will seem comparatively mild.

[Dave: see my related articles:

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Is the Vatican Definition “Useless” ?

I hope it is not unfair to suggest that the notion of infallibility, to which Salmon’s criticisms in Chapters vi-ix relate, is not that canonized by the definition of 1870. It would appear that Salmon had been collecting material for the controversy with the Catholic Church for the greater part of his adult life, and it may be that the moderateness of the dogma of the Council disconcerted him. Much of what he objects against infallibility could have been used with some effect before 1870 by a moderate Ultramontane like Ullathorne against extreme neo-Ultramontanes such as Veuillot of the Univers or W. G. Ward.

The objection will of course be made: if the conditions for an infallible definition are so stringent, and if in consequence that occasions on which a Pope has unquestionably used his powers, not to condemn false teaching but to impose a new affirmative dogma, are so few, is not the Church’s infallibility practically “useless”? To this objection I would in the first instance reply that there are many matters — for example, the sacramental character and apostolic descent of valid Orders, the Real Presence in the Eucharist, the sacramental nature of “sacramental penance,” the privileges of the Mother of God — which are for Western non-Catholics at best matters of opinion, but in Catholic eyes belong certainly to the “deposit of faith.” Some non-Catholics no doubt hold that it is preferable that these and suchlike matters should remain in the realm of opinion; but at best it cannot be claimed that a moderate doctrine of infallibility, which yet renders these points certain, is “useless.”

And secondly, it is to be observed that the Church’s infallibility — with which, if we may press so far the words of the definition, that of the Pope is not only comparable but identical — is not only operative when a formal definition is promulgated. It gives a colour and a cast to the whole teaching and mind of the Church. It means that the mind of the individual believer moves out into a world of corporate thought and belief at the back of which is a divine guarantee of objectivity. And from time to time, when the needs of the Church or the providential purpose requires, the movement of Catholic thought does actually lead up to a definition and a new dogma gives articulation to some traditional doctrine.

Finally, and at the risk of some repetition, it seems important to emphasize that the Pope is not, what Salmon seems to suggest he ought on Catholic principles to be, a sort of automatic fortune-telling machine. He cannot, under the conditions laid down by the Council, define doctrine simply in obedience to private whims or for the convenience of the Church’s passing, as opposed to her permanent, needs. When he does make a definition he speaks as the voice of “tradition,” as the utterance of the Church’s mind; and the Church’s mind like the mills of God, though grinding surely, grinds very slowly. In formal language, we are not taught that the Pope is an inspired oracle, but that he is a divinely assisted witness to the faith once delivered to God’s saints (Jude 3).

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Go to Part 3

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Photo credit: book cover of Butler’s The Church and Infallibility, from its Amazon page.
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Summary: Bishop B. C. Butler critiqued the anti-infallibility arguments & rampant misrepresentations & quotes out of context, of anti-Catholic George Salmon, in 1954.

March 22, 2023

Doctrinal Development; St. Cardinal Newman’s Views on Papal Infallibility & the Immaculate Conception; St. Irenaeus & Tradition

The book, The Infallibility of the Church (1888) by Anglican anti-Catholic polemicist George Salmon (1819-1904), may be one of the most extensive and detailed — as well as influential — critiques of the Catholic Church ever written. But, as usual with these sorts of works, it’s abominably argued and relentlessly ignorant and/or dishonest, as the critiques listed below amply demonstrate and document.
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The most influential and effective anti-Catholic Protestant polemicist today, “Dr” [???] James White, cites Salmon several times in his written materials, and regards his magnum opus as an “excellent” work. In a letter dated 2 November 1959, C. S. Lewis recommended the book to a reader, Michael Edwards, who was “vexed” about papal infallibility (see: The Collected Letters of C. S. Lewis, Volume 3: Narnia, Cambridge, and Joy, 1950 – 1963, edited by Walter Hooper, New York: HarperCollins, 2007, p. 1133, footnote 24). Russell P. Spittler, professor of New Testament at Fuller Theological Seminary, wrote that “From an evangelical standpoint,” the book “has been standard since first published in 1888” (Cults and Isms, Baker Book House, 1973, 117). Well-known Baptist apologist Edward James Carnell called it the “best answer to Roman Catholicism” in a 1959 book. I think we can safely say that it is widely admired among theological (as well as “emotional”) opponents of the Catholic Church.
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Prominent Protestant apologist Norman Geisler and his co-author Ralph MacKenzie triumphantly but falsely claim, in a major critique of Catholicism, Roman Catholics and Evangelicals: Agreements and Differences (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1995, 206-207, 459), that Salmon’s book has “never really been answered by the Catholic Church,” and call it the “classic refutation of papal infallibility,” which also offers “a penetrating critique of Newman’s theory.”
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Salmon’s tome, however, has been roundly refuted at least twice: first, by Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record (March / May / July / September / November 1901 and January / March 1902): a response (see the original sources) — which I’ve now transcribed almost in its totality: adding up to more than 73,000 words, or approximately 257 pages (last two installments abridged a bit); secondly, by Bishop Basil Christopher Butler (1902-1986) in his book, The Church and Infallibility: A Reply to the Abridged ‘Salmon’ (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1954, 230 pages). See all of these replies — and any further ones that I make — listed under “George Salmon” on my Anti-Catholicism web page.
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See also my thorough refutation of Salmon’s false and scurrilous accusation of St. Cardinal Newman, regarding papal infallibility: John Henry Newman’s Alleged Disbelief  in Papal Infallibility Prior to 1870, and Supposed Intellectual Dishonesty Afterwards [8-11-11]
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Bishop Butler’s book is partially available (8 chapters of 11) in old Internet Archive files (see chapters one / two / three / four / five / six / seven) and another web page with Chapter Ten. Most of these files will eventually be inaccessible, so I have decided to select highlights of all of these chapters, and also from chapters eight, nine, and eleven, from my own hardcover copy of the book.  The words below are all from Bishop Butler, edited and abridged by myself. I will indicate which chapter excerpts are from, but not page numbers. Subtitles are not his own. George Salmon’s words will be in blue; St. Cardinal Newman’s words in green.
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See other installments of this series:
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Chapter One: Introductory
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On the Development of Doctrine

[T]he whole discussion must necessarily be dominated by the idea of development. It is a fact which every enquirer can see for himself, and which no believer can deny, that Christianity has developed. Ritual and ceremonial developments are obvious and are not, in themselves, important. There has been devotional development. There has also been theological development. And — most important for our present argument — there has been dogmatic and, I add, doctrinal development. A clear illustration of dogmatic development is the articulation of Christian belief about the Incarnation and the Holy Trinity in the great conciliar decisions from A.D. 325 to A.D. 680. The result of such development is that many statements by the Fathers of the first three centuries would be condemned as heretical if made by medieval or modern writers. Similarly, it can be said that the doctrine of the sacramental minister has developed since the days of St. Cyprian, who denied the reality of Baptism conferred by schismatics and heretics.

The question arises whether the fact of such developments is compatible with the Christian claim that there was a complete revelation of saving truth made to the Apostles. In other words, has Christianity preserved its identity, or are these so-called developments, or some of them, really additions to the alleged original revelation, so that modern Christianity is not really the same thing as the “message” given, it is said, by God to mankind in Jesus Christ? This is a question which every enquirer has, in the long run, to answer for himself. But there can surely be no valid a priori objection to the hypothesis of genuine doctrinal development. Development seems to be almost universal in the world of biology, as also in that of human affairs. And if Christianity is a living thing it is only to be expected that it too will develop. A butterfly is a developed caterpillar. An adult man is a developed infant. In both these cases the development strikes the imagination very forcibly. Thus the definition of homo sapiens is “a rational animal”; and a child four days old is a specimen of homo sapiens. But the rationality of the child is latent or potential rather than actual and visible. As the babe grows into childhood, boyhood and adolescence, the struggle of rationality to assert itself takes varying forms and suffers diverse vicissitudes. A long time elapses before rationality can be said to take habitual effective control. Yet the individual in question is, in external self-manifestation, most true to his own nature not at the beginning but at the end of the process.

The same may be true of Christianity, with special reference to the papal primacy and infallibility which Salmon denounces as corruptions of the original deposit of faith. There is no absurdity and no sophistry in maintaining that Christianity is by definition “papal,” just as man is by definition rational, even if the operation and recognition of the papal prerogatives in the fourth century were as hard to discern as the rationality of the human baby, or the wings of a caterpillar.

When, however, Salmon asks why should development not take place in the case of Protestant doctrine too, the answer is of course that there is no a priori reason against it, although in fact Protestant doctrine tends not to exhibit this phenomenon of vitality. But development outside the body of continuing Christian experience, development which has at its origin a violent break with the Catholic past which alone can form a biological link with Christian origins, has as such no claim upon our acceptance.

The great modern champion of the idea of development was of course John Henry Cardinal Newman, who describes the view on which he writes, as follows:

That the increased expansion of the Christian Creed and Ritual, and the variations which have attended the process in the case of individual writers and Churches, are the necessary attendants on any philosophy or polity which takes possession of the intellect and heart, and has had any wise or extended dominion: that, form the nature of the human mind, time is necessary for the full comprehension and perfect of great ideas; and that the highest and most wonderful truths, though communicated to the world once for all by inspired teachers, could not be comprehended all at once by the recipients, but, as being received and transmitted by minds not inspired and through media which were human, have required only the longer time and deeper thought for their full elucidation. [Essay on Development, 29f.]

And again from Newman:

It is indeed sometimes said that the stream is clearest near the spring. Whatever use may fairly be made of this image, it does not apply to the history of a philosophy or belief, which on the contrary is more equable, and purer, and stronger, when its bed has become broad, and deep, and full. It necessarily rises out of an existing state of things, and for a time savours of the soil. Its vital element needs disengaging from what is foreign and temporary, and is employed in efforts after freedom which become more vigorous and hopeful as its years increase. Its beginnings are no measure of its capabilities, nor of its scope. At first no one knows what it is, or what it is worth. It remains for a time perhaps quiescent: it tries, as it were, its limbs and proves the ground under it, and feels its way. From time to time it makes essays which fail, and are in consequence abandoned. It seems in suspense which way to go; it wavers, and at length strikes out in one definite direction. In time it enters upon strange territory: points of controversy alter their bearing; parties rise and fall around it; dangers and hopes appear in new relations; and old principles reappear under new forms. It changes with them in order to remain the same. In a higher world it is otherwise, but here below to live is to change, and to be perfect is to have changed often. [Ibid., 40]

It is with such thoughts and expectations that we ought to turn to the study of Christian history; and my chief complaint against Salmon in the part of his book devoted to the history of papalism is that he supposes that if Catholicism is true the Papacy ought to have been functioning, and its authority to have been recognized, almost as unmistakably in antiquity as now. But he is pushing at an open door. The action and the theory of the modern Papacy are the outcome of an age-long growth, and we must seek in the pages of history less for a proof of the papal claims than for the evidence that they have shared in, and been central to, the general development of that society which is our only historical link with the origins of Christianity. Again I would quote Newman:

For myself, I would simply confess that no doctrine of the Church can be rigorously proved by historical evidence: but at the same time that no doctrine can be simply disproved by it. Historical evidence reaches a certain way, more or less, towards a proof of the Catholic doctrines; often nearly the whole way: sometimes it goes only so far as to point in their direction; sometimes there is only an absence of evidence for a conclusion contrary to them; nay, sometimes there is an apparent leaning of the evidence to a contrary conclusion, which has to be explained — in all cases, there is a margin left for the exercise of faith in the word of the Church. He who believes the dogmas of the Church only because he has reasoned them out of History, is scarcely a Catholic. [Letter to the Duke of Norfolk in Difficulties of Anglicans (1896), ii, 312.]

The Cardinal Error of Protestants

It may even be said that the cardinal error of Protestantism was to identify development with corruption. There was a school of Anglican divines who took as their criterion of doctrine not the living voice of the contemporary Church but (for some reason not easily apparent) the first four or five centuries of Christian history. Other Protestants, more logical and more radical, made the Bible their sole criterion; and this is, formally, at least, the Anglican position as stated in the Thirty-Nine Articles. But liberal Protestantism has had to go further still, and Harnack, when faced by the argument of Batiffol’s Primitive Catholicism that the germ of Catholicism was present in the Christianity of the Apostles, fell back on the last line of strictly Protestant defense — that there is an unbridgeable gulf between the Apostles and their Master.

The truth is, that development is visible in that brief section of the Christian story of which the New Testament books are a fragmentary record, and in the last resort the choice is between accepting the principle of development and rejecting the Christian claim to possess a divine revelation.

Chapter Two: The Infallibility of the Church
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The issues of the Protestant controversy with the Roman Catholic Church (says Salmon) “mainly turn on one great question,” that, namely, of the infallibility of the Church. If the Roman Catholic Church is infallible, then obviously it is too late to appeal against it either to Scripture or to history.

Before I comment on this statement of what Salmon conceived to be the main issue between Protestants and Catholics, I think it desirable to scrutinise some of the other statements in the first chapter of the Abridgement. Thus, as an example of Salmon’s controversial tone, it may be observed that after stating that in the Tracts for the Times Newman and his co-adjutors, being then Protestants, had published “excellent refutations of the Roman doctrine on purgatory and on some other points” he goes on to say that, on joining the Church, these men “bound themselves to believe and teach as true things which they had themselves proved to be false.” The word “proved” here may or may not be meant to suggest that these converts were insincere in their profession of doctrines against which they had formerly argued. It certainly leaves an unpleasant flavour on the tongue, and it would have been easy to substitute “rejected as false” for “proved to be false.” A writer who can either cleverly or negligently arouse such suspicions by the casual use of a single word needs to be watched carefully when he comes to make broad historical statements.

Again, it is inaccurate to say that the writers of the Tracts “allowed themselves to be persuaded” that Christ must have provided some infallible guide to truth, and then

accepted the Church of Rome as that guide, with scarcely an attempt to make a careful scrutiny of the grounds of her pretensions, and merely because, if she were not that guide, they knew not where else to find it.

This is doubly inaccurate. Newman has himself told us how his case against the Catholic Church in his Protestant days had been that while the Church could claim “universality” in contrast to the provincialism of the Anglican Church, the Anglicans could appeal to “antiquity” against the corruption of Rome. The crisis came for him when he realised, not the need of an infallible guide, but that antiquity itself gave its witness for Roman Catholicism against Anglicanism. And as for the suggestion that submission to the Church was made with “scarcely an attempt to make a careful scrutiny of the grounds of her pretensions,” Salmon can hardly have been ignorant that Newman’s conversion took about six years and bore fruit in the great Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine, a work which is a landmark in Christian thought and in itself a profound examination of the credibility of the Catholic claim.

Nor is it in the least reasonable to suggest that Newman “may have thought” that submission meant no more than belief “that everything the Church of Rome then taught was infallibly true” but not everything that she might subsequently teach. The whole Essay is concerned to show that dogmatic and doctrinal developments need not be inconsistent with fidelity to “the faith once delivered” (Jude 3) and we may assume that it had occurred to Newman that what had been characteristic of the Church for fifteen hundred years — namely, that her dogmas were constantly increasing in number and complexity — would probably continue to characterise her in the future.

Misrepresenting Cardinal Newman on Papal Infallibility

But it would seem that Salmon found it peculiarly difficult to be fair to Newman. In this same chapter he refers to the ferment in the Roman Catholic Church created by the expectation that a Council (that known to history as the [First] Vatican Council) was to be called to define the personal infallibility of the Pope, “so making it unnecessary that any future Council should be held”: [Salmon says]

Those who passed for the men of highest learning in that communion, and who had been wont to be most relied on, when learned Protestants were to be combatted, opposed with all their might the contemplated definition, as an entire innovation on the traditional teaching of the Church, and as absolutely contradicted by the facts of history. These views were shared by Dr. Newman . . . The Pope’s personal infallibility . . . was a doctrine so directly in the teeth of history, that Newman made no secret of his persuasion that the authoritative adoption of it would be attended with ruinous consequences to his Church . . . He wrote in passionate alarm to an English Roman Catholic Bishop [Ullathorne]: Why, he said, should an aggressive insolent faction be allowed ‘to make the heart of the just sad, whom the Lord hath not made sorrowful.

It will be observed that Salmon here states categorically that Newman, as a Catholic, before 1870, shared the view that the doctrine of the Pope’s personal infallibility was “absolutely contradicted by the facts of history,” and the unwary reader will naturally suppose that his opposition to the “aggressive insolent faction” was due to his belief that the doctrine was false.

For the facts we may turn to The Life of John Henry Cardinal Newman by Wilfrid Ward. Ward, in discussing the period leading up to the Vatican Council, writes of a “determined group of neo-Ultramontanes” with a policy tending to “extreme centralization.” “It was not Ultramontanism in its time-honored sense but an ecclesiastico-political movement practically abrogating the normal constitution of Church and State alike.” A leader of this group, Veuillot, the editor of L’Univers, had written concerning the Pope: “We must….unswervingly follow his inspired directions,” although what the Church claims for the Pope is not inspiration, but merely Providential assistance. W. G. Ward in England had gone so far as to affirm that “in a figurative sense Pius IX may be said never to have ceased from one continuous ex cathedra pronouncement.” [Life of John Henry Cardinal Newman, ii, 211f.]

Now Newman held that such men were trying to commit Catholic theologians to an entirely new view, ascribing infallibility to a Pope’s public utterances which were not definitions of faith or morals. “He could not forget such Popes as Liberius and Honorius. The action of these Pontiffs could, no doubt, in his opinion, be defended as consistent with Papal Infallibility,” but only by careful distinctions which Veuillot and W.G. Ward repudiated. Such men comprised the “aggressive insolent faction” which Newman protested against in his private letter to Ullathorne. And it is not surprising that he feared their influence and held that a definition of papal infallibility promoted by such men would be inopportune. But this is not to say that before 1870 he disbelieved the doctrine in the moderate form in which it was eventually defined, still less that he held it to be an “entire innovation on the traditional teaching, absolutely contradicted by the facts of history.” Newman’s position in 1867 is clearly stated in a letter to Pusey in that year:

A man will find it a religious duty to believe it, or may safely disbelieve it, in proportion as he thinks it probable or improbable that the Church might or will define it, or does hold it, and that it is the doctrine of the Apostles. For myself…I think that the Church may define it (i.e. it possibly may turn out to belong to the original depositum), but that she will not ever define it; and again I do not see that she can be said to hold it. She never can simply act upon it (being undefined, as it is), and I believe never has — moreover, on the other hand, I think there is a good deal of evidence, on the very surface of history and the Fathers, in its favour. On the whole then I hold it: but I should account it no sin if, on the grounds of reason, I doubted it. [Life of John Henry Cardinal Newman, ii, 221]

A letter earlier in the same year to Henry Wilberforce expresses Newman’s mind as follows:

For myself, I have never taken any great interest in the question of the limits and seat of infallibility. I was converted simply because the Church was to last to the end, and that no communion answered to the Church of the first ages but the Roman Communion, both in substantial likeness and in actual descent. And as to faith, my great principle was: ‘securus judicat orbis terrarum.’ So I say now — and in all these questions of detail I say to myself, I believe whatever the Church teaches as the voice of God — and this or that particular inclusively, if she teaches this — it is this fides implicita which is our comfort in these irritating times. And I cannot go beyond this — I see arguments here, arguments there — I incline one way today another tomorrow — on the whole I more than incline in one direction — but I do not dogmatise . . . I have only an opinion at best (not faith) that the Pope is infallible. [Ibid., 234]

In the following year (1868) we find him writing to a Mr. Renouf, who had published a pamphlet on the case of Pope Honorius, as follows: “I hold the Pope’s Infallibility, not as a dogma, but as a theological opinion; that is, not as a certainty, but as a probability.”

When the Vatican Council actually came to define the Pope’s infallibility, the exaggerations of the neo-Ultramontanes were “definitely rejected.” [Ibid., 307] And on seeing the test of the definition Newman was able to write to a friend: “I saw the new definition yesterday and am pleased at its moderation — that is, if the doctrine in question is to be defined at all.” And on August 8th he wrote to Mrs. Froude:

As I have ever believed as much as the definition says, I have a difficulty in putting myself into the position of mind of those who have not . . . I very much doubt if at this moment — before the end of the Council, I could get myself publicly to say it was de fide, whatever came of it — though I believe the doctrine itself. [Ibid., 308]

It thus appears that there were, before the Council’s definition, two opinions about papal infallibility, a moderate one and an extreme one. Newman on the whole held the moderate one while strongly opposing the extreme view, whose more violent upholders he stigmatised as an aggressive insolent faction. The Vatican Council itself came down on the side of the moderate opinion, and Newman’s only remaining hesitations were a temporary one as to whether the moment had come when this opinion was in fact de fide, and a more lasting one as to the exact scope of the definition — “what we may grant, what we must maintain.” [Letter of April, 1872 (ibid., 312)] By December 1874 he had cleared his mind on the latter point, as can be seen from his “Letter to the Duke of Norfolk.”

It is thus that Salmon has gravely misrepresented Newman’s whole attitude to the papal infallibility question. He has given his readers the impression that the dogma as actually defined was something that Newman had regarded as in absolute contradiction with the facts of history and he has represented an opposition to the dogma’s opportuneness as an opposition to its content. It may be said, in Salmon’s defense, that the Life, from which I have been quoting, was not published when his own book appeared. But the Letter to the Duke of Norfolk had appeared before the end of 1875, and Salmon’s first edition was dated 1888. I append a few extracts from the former (it had been alleged that it was understood at one time that Newman “was on the point of uniting with Dr. Dollinger and his party” who refused to submit to the Vatican definition, “and that it required the earnest persuasion of ‘several bishops’ to prevent him from taking that step”): Newman responded —

. . . an unmitigated and most ridiculous untruth in every word of it . . . But the explanation of such reports about me is easy. They arise from forgetfulness . . . that there are two sides of ecclesiastical acts, that right ends are often prosecuted by unworthy means, and that in consequence those who, like myself, oppose a line of action, are not necessarily opposed to the issue for which it has been adopted . . . On July 24, 1870, I wrote as follows: ‘I saw the new Definition yesterday, and am pleased at its moderation . . . The terms are vague and comprehensive; and, personally, I have no difficulty in admitting it . . .’ Also I wrote as follows to a friend: (July 27, 1870) ‘. . . for myself, ever since I was a Catholic, I have held the Pope’s infallibility as a matter of theological opinion; at least, I see nothing in the Definition which necessarily contradicts Scripture, Tradition, or History . . . ‘ [Letter to the Duke of Norfolk, 299-304]

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Misrepresenting Cardinal Newman on the Immaculate Conception

It may seem that I have spent too long on a very small detail. But so much of Salmon’s book is taken up with what I may call “creating an atmosphere” against Catholicism and loyal Catholics that it may be worthwhile to draw attention to a remark in that same chapter of the book about Newman’s attitude to the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception:

He was too well acquainted with Church history not to know that the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception was a complete novelty, unknown by early times . . . But when the Pope formally promulgated that doctrine as part of the essential faith of the Church, he had submitted in silence.

The doctrine was defined in 1854. In the Essay on Development (1845) Newman had pointed out that the condemnation of Arianism had left vacant “in the realms of light” a place for Mary to fill:

Thus there was ‘a wonder in heaven’: a throne was seen, far above all other created powers, mediatorial, intercessory; a title archetypal; a crown bright as the morning star; a glory issuing from the Eternal Throne; robes pure as the heavens; and a sceptre over all; and who was the predestined heir of that Majesty? . . . The vision is found in the Apocalypse, a woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve stars. The votaries of Mary do not exceed the true faith, unless the blasphemers of her Son [the Arians] come up to it. The Church of Rome is not idolatrous, unless Arianism is orthodoxy.

And he quotes St. Augustine’s saying that all have sinned “except the Holy Virgin Mary, concerning whom, for the honour of the Lord, I wish no question to be raised at all, when we are treating of sins.” [Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine, 143-6]

The passage quoted here from the Essay on Development was written before Newman became a Catholic. In 1846, the year following his reception into the Church, we find him writing from Rome about the doubtful reception accorded by two Roman professors to his views on development, and he adds: “By the bye it is an encouraging fact, connected with the theory of development, that . . . Perrone is writing a book to show that the Immaculate Conception may be made an article of faith.” [Life, i, 161.]

Three years later (the Dedication is dated In Fest S. Caroli, November 4, 1849), he published his Discourses to Mixed Congregations, from which I quote the following:

Consider, that, since Adam fell, none of his seed but has been conceived in sin; none, save one. One exception there has been — who is that one? Not our Lord Jesus, for he was not conceived of man, but of the Holy Ghost; not our Lord, but I mean His Virgin Mother, who, though conceived and born of human parents, as others, yet was rescued by anticipation from the common condition of mankind, and never was partaker in fact of Adam’s transgression . . . ‘Thou art all fair, O Mary, and the stain original is not in thee.'” [Discourses to Mixed Congregations (1892), 49]

As grace was infused into Adam from the first moment of his creation….so was grace given from the first in still ampler measure to Mary, and she never incurred, in fact, Adam’s deprivation….I am not proving these doctrines to you, my brethren: the evidence of them lies in the declaration of the Church. [Ibid, 354-6.]

Salmon may not have been guilty of knowing and disregarding the Discourses, but if he had not read the Apologia Pro Vita Sua (Newman’s conversion and autobiography) he had no right to describe Newman’s states of mind at all. I therefore quote the following from that famous work, first published in 1864, ten years after the Definition of the Immaculate Conception:

Let me take the doctrine which Protestants consider our greatest difficulty, that of the Immaculate Conception. Here I entreat the reader to recollect my main drift, which is this. I have no difficulty in receiving the doctrine; and that because it so intimately harmonises with that circle of recognised dogmatic truths, into which it has recently been received….it is a simple fact to say, that Catholics have not come to believe it because it is defined, but that it was defined because they believed it….I never heard of one Catholic having difficulties in receiving the doctrine, whose faith on other grounds was not already suspicious. Of course, there were grave and good men, who were made anxious by the doubt whether it could be formally proved to be Apostolical either by Scripture or Tradition, and who accordingly, though believing it themselves, did not see how it could be defined by authority and imposed upon all Catholics as a matter of faith; but this is another matter. The point in question is, whether the doctrine is a burden. I believe it to be none. [Apologia Pro Vita Sua (1902), 254f.]

Newman does not state whether he had shared the anxiety of the “grave and good men” to whom he refers, but his letter of 1846 from Rome, quoted above, shows that his own theory of development must have made it easier for him than for some others to admit that the doctrine is a genuine development of the faith “once delivered.” For a theological defense of the doctrine “as an immediate inference from the primitive doctrine that Mary is the second Eve” I may refer to the Letter to Pusey (1865) in Difficulties of Anglicans (ii, p. 31-50; cf. 128-52).

Now I do not profess to know what Salmon meant to convey by saying that Newman had “submitted in silence” to the promulgation of the dogma of the Immaculate Conception. But I think I know the sort of impression that that phrase will have left, and might have been expected by its author to leave, on many minds; and I think I have shown that that impression is entirely false to the tone and contents of a number of passages in Newman’s writings, nearly all of which had been long available to Salmon’s inspection when he first published his book. I conclude that Salmon is a very unsafe guide for those who have not the opportunity and the inclination to check both his definite assertions and the impression conveyed by his use of language.

Infallibility: The Last Refuge?

We may now revert to the chapter entitled “The Question of Infallibility.” Salmon there speaks of opponents of the proposed definition (of papal infallibility) who, however, submitted to it once it had been imposed. Some of these, he says, thus surrendered “their most deep-rooted beliefs” solely in deference to external authority. It will be desirable, later on, to consider how much of the opposition in question had been due to an opinion that the proposed definition was inopportune, how much to a doubt whether its matter, though perhaps true, was definable as part of the faith, and how much to real “disbelief” in the matter of the definition. Assuming that there were some, who had hitherto “denied the truth of the new dogma” who now accepted it, it must be pointed out that for a Catholic a “belief” based on his own theological opinions unsupported by the verdict of the Church stands on a different, and a lower, footing compared with that of an article of faith. The former kind of belief is not, for a Catholic, among his “most deep-rooted beliefs” — it is less deep-rooted than his belief, or rather his certainty, that the Church’s voice is the voice of God. It was therefore proper and honourable for such men to “submit” to an external authority whose claim upon them coincided with the deepest intimations of their own conscience.

Salmon presents the doctrine of the Church’s infallibility as the “last refuge of a beaten army” — an earlier refuge had been the appeal to Tradition. When the early Protestants appealed against the Church to Scripture

the Roman Catholic advocates ceased to insist that the doctrines of the Church could be deduced from Scripture; but the theory of early heretics, refuted by Irenaeus, was revived, namely, that the Bible does not contain the whole of God’s revelation, and that a body of traditional doctrine existed in the Church equally deserving of veneration.

On this rather characteristic sentence I comment as follows:

(1) Salmon here suggests that the appeal to Tradition as a source of doctrine parallel to Scripture was a Counter-Reformation invention. But the second Ecumenical Council of Nicaea, seven hundred and fifty years before the Council of Trent, had anathematised “anyone who rejects ecclesiastical tradition written or unwritten.” [Denzinger-Bannwart (15th ed), No. 308.]

St. Irenaeus on Sacred Tradition

(2) It is perhaps hardly necessary to point out that the (alleged) heretical apostolic traditions which Irenaeus rejected were rejected by him upon the precise ground that if the Apostles had had any traditions to consign to posterity they would have entrusted them not to a line of hidden teachers ending up in the heresiarchs but to the legitimate succession of public teachers in the Catholic Church (quoting St. Irenaeus) :

When [the heretics] are faced with objections derived from the Scriptures, they set about to attack the Scriptures as not being correct or authoritative, as saying different things, and as only conveying truth to those who know the tradition, which was not handed down in writing but viva voce….But when we appeal to that tradition which comes from the Apostles and is preserved in the Churches by the succession of the elders, they oppose tradition, saying that they are wiser not only than the elders but than the apostles and have discovered the pure truth.

Irenaeus then points to the preservation of the true tradition and apostolic succession of bishops in the local Churches:

All who are willing to see the truth can perceive in every [or all the] Church the tradition of the Apostles manifested in all the world; we can enumerate those appointed by the Apostles bishops in the Churches, and those who succeeded to them, who never taught or knew anything like the ravings of the heretics. Had the Apostles known hidden mysteries, which they taught the perfect separately and secretly from others, they would have handed them on especially to those to whom they were entrusting the Churches. [Adv Haer III, ii, 3.]

For a modern presentation of Irenaeus’ views about Scripture and Tradition we may turn to The Biblical Theology of Saint Irenaeus (1948) by a non-Catholic writer, Mr. John Lawson, a former student of Wesley House, Cambridge [quotations omitted for brevity’s sake]. If Mr. Lawson’s interpretation of Irenaeus is correct, it would seem that in this matter of the authority of “unwritten” Tradition the second-century Bishop of Lyons stands with the Second Council of Nicaea, the Council of Trent, and Cardinal Newman (in the passage quoted below); and with Cardinal Manning in his condemnation of an appeal away from the voice of the contemporary Church; and that it is quite illegitimate to suggest that he stood with the “Bible-only” school of thought against Sacred Tradition.

[Dave: for related reading, see my articles:

Irenaeus (d. c. 200) vs. Sola Scriptura [8-1-03]

Chrysostom & Irenaeus: Sola Scripturists? (vs. David T. King) [4-20-07]

Lutheran Chemnitz Wrong Re Fathers & Sola Scriptura (mostly dealing with St. Irenaeus and Tertullian) [8-29-07]

Did I Take St. Irenaeus Out of Context (Rule of Faith)? [11-29-17] ]

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Go to Part 2

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Photo credit: book cover of Butler’s The Church and Infallibility, from its Amazon page.

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Summary: Bishop B. C. Butler critiqued the anti-infallibility arguments & rampant misrepresentations & quotes out of context, of anti-Catholic George Salmon, in 1954.

March 16, 2023

The book, The Infallibility of the Church (1888) by Anglican anti-Catholic polemicist George Salmon (1819-1904), may be one of the most extensive and detailed — as well as influential — critiques of the Catholic Church ever written. But, as usual with these sorts of works, it’s abominably argued and relentlessly ignorant and/or dishonest, as the critique below will amply demonstrate and document.
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The most influential and effective anti-Catholic Protestant polemicist today, “Dr” [???] James White, cites Salmon several times in his written materials, and regards his magnum opus as an “excellent” work. In a letter dated 2 November 1959, C. S. Lewis recommended the book to an inquirer who was “vexed” about papal infallibility. Russell P. Spittler, professor of New Testament at Fuller Theological Seminary, wrote that “From an evangelical standpoint,” the book “has been standard since first published in 1888” (Cults and Isms, Baker Book House, 1973, 117). Well-known Baptist apologist Edward James Carnell called it the “best answer to Roman Catholicism” in a 1959 book. I think we can safely say that it is widely admired among theological (as well as “emotional”) opponents of the Catholic Church.
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Prominent Protestant apologist Norman Geisler and his co-author Ralph MacKenzie triumphantly but falsely claim, in a major critique of Catholicism, Roman Catholics and Evangelicals: Agreements and Differences (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1995, 206-207, 459), that Salmon’s book has “never really been answered by the Catholic Church,” and call it the “classic refutation of papal infallibility,” which also offers “a penetrating critique of Newman’s theory.”
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Salmon’s tome, however, has been roundly refuted at least twice: first, by Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record (March / May / July / September / November 1901 and January / March 1902): a response (see the original sources) — which I’ve now transcribed almost in its totality — which was more than 73,000 words, or approximately 257 pages; secondly, by Bishop Basil Christopher Butler (1902-1986) in his book, The Church and Infallibility: A Reply to the Abridged ‘Salmon’ (1954, 230 pages). See all of these replies — and further ones that I make — listed under “George Salmon” on my Anti-Catholicism web page. But no Protestant can say that no Catholic has adequately addressed (and refuted) the egregious and ubiquitous errors in this pathetic book. And we’ll once again see how few (if any) Protestants dare to counter-reply to all these critiques.
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See other installments of this series:
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Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 1 [3-10-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 2 . . . In Which Dr. Salmon Accuses Cardinal Newman of Lying Through His Teeth in His Essay on Development, & Dr. Murphy Magnificently Defends Infallibility and Doctrinal Development Against Gross Caricature [3-12-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 3 . . . In Which Our Sophist-Critic Massively Misrepresents Cardinal Newman and Utterly Misunderstands the Distinction Between Implicit and Explicit Faith [3-12-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 4 . . . In Which Dr. Salmon Sadly Reveals Himself to be a Hyper-Rationalistic Pelagian Heretic, and Engages in Yet More Misrepresentation of Development of Doctrine and Cardinal Newman’s Statements and Positions [3-15-23]
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Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 5: Private Judgment, the Rule of Faith, and Dr. Salmon’s Weak Fallible Protestant “Church”: Subject to the Whims of Individuals; Church Fathers Misquoted [3-15-23]
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Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 6: The Innumerable Perils of Perspicuity of Scripture and Private Judgment [3-16-23]
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Vol. XI: March 1902
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Dr. Salmon’s ‘Infallibility’ (Part 7)
Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy, D.D.
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[I have made a few paragraph breaks not found in the original. Citations in smaller font are instead indented, and all of Dr. Salmon’s words will be in blue. St. John Henry Cardinal Newman’s words will be in green. In this installment, I have omitted, for the sake of brevity and concision, some portions regarding religious tolerance and freedom that are extraneous to the main dispute at hand and would — I believe — would be tedious and boring to the average reader]

Dr. Salmon devotes three long lectures to a series of statements, the aim of which is to discredit the Church as a teacher. Under the headings of ‘Hesitations of the Infallible Guide,’ ‘Modern Revelations,’ and ‘Blunders of the Infallible Guide,’ he has brought together a mass of miscellaneous matter as a series of charges against the teaching authority of the Church. In the charges themselves, there is nothing new, and there is nothing new or striking in the Doctor’s manner of presenting them; and when he has said his last word the Church’s authority remains untouched. The lectures must have been amusing to his students, but as part of their training for controversy they were simply waste of time.
The Church did not decide the controversy De Auxiliis; she does not ‘publish an authorized commentary on Scripture’ (page 188); ‘she does not put the seal of her infallibility’ to any of ‘her catechisms or books of devotion’ (page 190); she does not tell us whether we are or are not bound to believe the extraordinary incidents recorded in the Glories of Mary and in the Roman Breviary; she does not tells us what we are to believe about Loretto, Lourdes, or La Salette. On all these she has carried her caution to an extraordinary degree, lest she may compromise her infallibility, but by a just judgment on her she has completely shattered the claim by her condemnation of the scientific teaching of Galileo.

This is the burden of Dr. Salmon’s three long lectures. Now in all these charges, except the last, he is condemning the Church for what she has not done; and in the last he is charging her with having done what she never did at all. He admits himself that he is judging her by what she has not done. ‘The complaint I made was,’ he says, ‘that the Church of Rome did not tell us whether we are to believe these things or not.’ And he wants to know ‘why she does not’ (page 215, note). The Doctor, in his capacity of Judex Controversiarum, is so much in the habit of sitting in judgment on his own — a Church made by men — that he fancies be can take the same liberty with the Catholic Church, founded by God. But she has her mission marked out for her, and she will not turn from her appointed course to accommodate even a Regius Professor. His duty is to hear her, not to judge her. He told his theologians that —

Romish teaching has constantly a double face. To those within the communion it is authoritive, positive, stamped with the seal of infallibility, which none may dispute without forfeiting his right to be counted a good Catholic. . . . She speaks differently to those who have the courage to impugn it, and bring it to the test. — (Page 187.)

Here is a grave charge, specific and direct; and as proof of it Dr. Salmon brings forward a number of subjects which, according to himself, the Church does not teach at all. There is a strange fatality about the Doctor’s logic. The Church, he says, abandons her teaching on a number of
subjects which, he says, she never taught at all. So the Doctor told his theologians who, no doubt, appreciated his logic. It shall be an evil day for the Catholic Church when Dr. Salmon’s patent controversialists take the field against her. Now, the Doctor has a wide field open to him. Let him search through the history of the Church from the first Pentecost to the present day, from St. Peter to Leo XIII., and let him find out, if he can, a solitary instance in which the Church permitted anyone, either in the Church or outside of it, to impugn a doctrine which she once taught. He can find no such instance. For those who impugn or deny her defined doctrine the Church has invariably one answer, and that is final — anathema sit.

Dr. Salmon founds one of his charges on the controversy De Auxiliis [a debate concerning predestination and how God can and does move the human will], on which he takes his information from Burnet’s Commentary on the Seventeenth Article. He has not studied the folios of Levinus Meyer or Serry, or the modern works of Schneeman, to say nothing of the voluminous writings of those who actually carried on the controversy; and the result is that he seems to know as much about the controversy De Auxiliis, as he does of the Beatific vision. It is amusing to hear one like Dr. Salmon giving his views so confidently on a controversy which for years engaged the talents of such men as Bannez and Alvarez and De Lemos on one side, and Molina and Lessius and Bellarmine and Gregory of Valentia on the other. A disputation on it by Dr. Salmon’s students, and under his own training, would be better than a pantomime.

It was essentially a scholastic controversy — confined to the schools, and the body of the faithful took no part in it; they did not and could not enter into its merits. No Catholic doctrine was affected by it; the necessity of grace was maintained by all the parties to the controversy; and so too was the existence of efficacious grace and its co-existence with free will. The point of the controversy was, what was the intrinsic nature of efficacious grace — what precisely it is that makes grace efficacious. This point was argued with a great deal of logical and theological subtilty on both sides, and, unfortunately, with a good deal of the odium theologicum also. To check, to repress this uncharitableness was the immediate, the pressing necessity, and that was done by Paul V. commanding each school to abstain from attaching theological censures to the opinions of the opposite school. But the interests of souls called for no decision on the question as to the intrinsic nature of efficacious grace, and no decision was given on it. It was allowed to remain, and it still is a matter for free discussion amongst theologians, due regard being had to the requirements of charity.

Again, Dr. Salmon says: ‘It might be expected that the infallible guide would publish an authoritative commentary on Scripture’ (page 188). If the ‘infallible guide’ agreed with Dr. Salmon that the Bible alone is the rule of faith, then his suggestion may be valuable, though to make it
really so the guide should first  teach all nations to read. But . . . Founder said to her: ‘Teach all nations.’ He did not say to her: ‘Write a book, and read it for all nations, or give it to them to read for themselves.’ . . .

Again, Dr. Salmon complains that though the Catholic Church ‘has catechisms and other books of instruction . . . she has not ventured to put her seal of Infallibility to any of them’ (page 190). And hence he says ‘if we detect a catechism in manifest error, if we find a preacher or a book
of devotion guilty of manifest extravagance, . . . the Church always leaves a loophole for disowning him.’ And he adds: ‘Does it not seem strange that a communion possessing the high attribute of Infallibility should make no use of it in the instruction of her people?’ (page 191). Yes, it would
‘seem strange’ if it were a fact; but it is one of Dr. Salmon’s fictions, and not a very clever or ingenious one. The Catholic Church is a teacher, and she is that precisely in virtue of her Infallibility. It is that which ensures that the ever-living voice shall always enunciate divine truth. Catechisms and books of devotion are permitted to circulate amongst Catholics, and are used by them, provided they have proper ecclesiastical approbation. That approbation ensures that the books contain nothing opposed to faith or morals — no doctrinal error, no unsound principle of morality.

Now this approbation presupposes an infallible standard of faith and morals, whereby the doctrine of such books is tested. And hence, if such books have this approbation, the faithful who use them have ample security as to the orthodoxy of the doctrine, as far as the approbation goes. And, therefore, ‘in the instruction of her people’ the Catholic Church always uses that very ‘attribute of Infallibility’ which, according to Dr. Salmon, she never uses at all. The Doctor was speaking to his students when he made this extraordinary statement, and clearly he thought his logic good enough for them. But all his rhetoric here is leading up to what he evidently regards as a crushing case against the Catholic Church. ‘I need take no other example,’ he says, ‘than the case I have already mentioned of Keenan’s Catechism’ (page 191). He had already quoted the Catechism at page 26 to convict the Catholic Church of a change of faith, and now he quotes it to show, moreover, ‘that we, heretics, knew better what were the doctrines of the Roman Church than did its own priests’ (page 192). Now, assuming (and it is scarcely a safe assumption) the correctness of Dr. Salmon’s extract from Keenan, what does it prove? According to the Doctor, Keenan said of Papal Infallibility, some fifty years ago: ‘It is no article of Catholic faith.’ This is, according to the Doctor and his friends, a false statement; they ‘knew better what were the doctrines of the Roman Church than did its own priests.’

Now, in order that a doctrine be an article of Catholic faith, it must be revealed, and it must be proposed by the Church to the faithful. The Infallibility of the Pope was revealed in Christ’s charge to St. Peter, and it has ever since been in the Church’s keeping as part of the deposit of faith. But it was not proposed by the Church to the faithful until the Vatican Council, and, therefore, up to that time it was ‘no article of Catholic faith.’ And, therefore, Keenan’s statement was true and the Doctor’s statement is not true. Up to the time of the definition it was an article of divine faith to such as had considered the evidence of its revelation and are satisfied of its sufficiency — and there were very many such; but it was not an article of Catholic faith for anyone until it was taught by the Church. But see what the Doctor’s logic comes to. At page 26 he introduced Keenan’s statement to convict the Church of a change in faith. If there be a change of faith made by the definition of Papal
Infallibility, then Keenan’s statement must have been true; it was not an article of faith when he wrote. But if Keenan’s statement be false (as Dr. Salmon says at page 192), then there was no change in doctrine caused by the definition.

But the Doctor’s memory is just as bad as his logic, for at page 26 he held Keenan’s statement to be true; at page 192 he holds it to be false, and again he holds it to be true at page 269, where, in reference to the evidence of some Irish bishops before a Royal Commission, he says, ‘they swore, as they then could with truth, that the doctrine of the Pope’s personal Infallibility ’ was not an article of Catholic faith. The students are fortunate in their teacher! Now all this is so elementary, so frequently and so clearly stated by Catholic theologians, that it is difficult to fancy a Regius Professor ignorant of it; and yet it is only the plea of ignorance that can shield him from the charge of bearing false witness against his neighbours.

A great rock of scandal to Dr. Salmon is the Roman Breviary, and also the process of canonisation of saints. This ardent lover of truth is shocked at ‘the number of lying legends . . . that are inserted in the Breviary by authority for the devotional reading of priests’ (page 196). But the Church, with her wonted versatility, is prepared to repudiate them when called to account by theologians of the Dr. Salmon type. He says: ‘If a Protestant hesitating to become a convert to Popery, should allege, as the ground of his hesitation, the number of lying legends proposed by the Church for his acceptance, he would be told that this is no obstacle at all, and that as a Roman Catholic he need not believe any of them’ (page 196). The Doctor is here referring to the brief histories of the saints that are generally given in the lessons of the Second Nocturn of the Breviary. And as he proclaims himself that Catholics are not bound to accept these histories as truths of faith, it is difficult to see what legitimate motive he can have in putting them forward as arguments against the Church’s Infallibility. As the Church orders the Breviary to be read by priests, it can contain nothing that is opposed to faith or morals; this is all the Church guarantees.

The intending ‘convert’ is asked to accept the Catholic profession of faith, which comprises a number of truths originally revealed by God, and proposed by the Church for the belief of the faithful. The histories of the saints, given in the Breviary, were not revealed, and are not put forward as such by the Church; and, therefore, the intending convert is truly told that he is not bound to accept them as truths of faith — for it is of such truths that Dr. Salmon is speaking. But according to the Doctor they are ‘lying legends proposed by the Church.’ Now, the Doctor’s word is not a substitute for proof, and he has not even attempted to prove that any of the statements referred to as ‘lying legends’ is really such. The Roman Breviary was frequently revised, and the last general revision of it was made under Urban VIII. by a congregation of cardinals, amongst whom were Bellarmine and Baronius, and they were assisted by a number of eminent scholars as consulting theologians, amongst whom were Gavantus, the great writer on Ritual, and our own countryman, Father Luke Wadding.

Now, it is not a conclusive proof of the Doctor’s modesty, or even of his prudence, to find him setting down as ‘lying legends’ statements which passed the criticism of such scholars. The Regius Professor would make a very sorry figure if he was for a while under examination in history and theology by Bellarmine and Baronius. But even on Dr. Salmon’s own admission there is much more to be said for the histories of the Breviary. He says that many of them, at least, are taken from Bulls of Canonisation, and if he would only read one process of canonisation he would be in a better position to judge of the character of the evidence he is discussing so glibly. Let him but read vol. v. of Moigno’s Splendours de la foi , let him study the  his assertion of ‘lying legends.’ The lying legends are those of Dr. Salmon, and of men like him, whose sole stock-in-trade they are. Such statements excite no surprise in Irish Church Mission teachers, but in a university professor they are lamentable.

In justification of his assertions Dr. Salmon quotes the case of the Holy House at Loretto, which he proves to be ‘fictitious’ on the high authority of his friend, Mr. Ffoulkes. Now, as Mr. Ffoulkes’ reasons are not given, we have only his assertion repeated by Dr. Salmon, which, as a proof, amounts to nothing. Another of his arguments is from the case of St. Philumena — but the Doctor doctors the history of the saint in his own peculiar fashion. He says: —

We learn from the authorized history of her life that a good Neapolitan priest had carried home some bones out of the Roman
catacombs, and was much distressed that his valuable relics should be anonymous. He was relieved from his embarrassment
by a pious nun in his congregation, who, in a dream, had revealed to her the name of the saint and her whole history, etc. — (Page 197).

This history must have been ‘authorised’ by the Doctor himself. The real history, which he could have found in the Breviary, tells us that the relics were not ‘anonymous’ at all. They were discovered in the catacomb of St. Priscilla, on the 2nd of May, 1802. They were contained in an urn,
and on a terra-cotta slab covering them was written: ‘Philumena. Peace with thee. — Amen.’ On the tomb also was found the lily, the symbol of virginity, also the palm, the blood-stained phial, the arrow, and other symbols of martyrdom. Dr. Salmon can see a facsimile of the slab in Northcote and Brownlow’s Epitaphs of the Catacombs (page 33). Now De Bossi, judging from the internal arrangement of this catacomb, and also from the inscriptions and symbolisms used, holds that it goes back to the second century of the Christian era. Here, then, we have a fact
as strictly historical as anything recorded of the catacombs, showing that the relics in question are those of Philumena, a virgin and a martyr, who must have suffered at a very early period of Christian history. Now, whether the ‘dream of the pious nun,’ alleged by Dr. Salmon, be real or unreal, the historical fact which be has conveniently suppressed reveals both the name and the character of the saint, and supplies also abundant foundation for the devotion to St. Philumena, which has so shocked the tender conscience of this truth-loving theologian.

This case of Philumena leads the Doctor on to ‘the subject of modern revelation as a foundation for new doctrines’ (page 199). He says: ‘But these alleged revelations are also the foundation of new doctrines, and the Pope’s silence concerning them affects the whole question of the rule of faith’ (page 200). And the new doctrines thus introduced are, according to Dr. Salmon, ‘Purgatory, Devotion to the Sacred Heart, and the Immaculate Conception.’ These revelations are, according to Dr. Salmon, ‘in plain English, ghost stories,’ and on such stories ‘beliefs are being silently built up in the Church’ to such an extent that the Church really ‘is a vast manufactory of beliefs to which additions are being yearly made’ (page 213). The sum of his charge against the Church in this matter is that very many of her doctrines are founded on ghost stories, and that, as she will not tell us definitely what we are to think of these stories, she is, therefore, shown to be fallible.

Now, first, Infallibility can be tested only by what the Church does teach, not by what she does not teach; and, hence, the Doctor’s instances cannot be a test at all. And, secondly, no article of Catholic faith is founded, or can be founded, on any revelation not contained in the original deposit of faith. This is the Catholic theory, and Dr. Salmon is well aware of it. Whether there have been revelations made to individuals in later times is a matter to be determined by testimony, but such revelations cannot enter into the deposit of faith, and no article of Catholic faith can be grounded on them. And of this, too, the Doctor is well aware. If there be in reality any such modern revelations those to whom they were made are bound to believe them, not, however, as articles of Catholic faith (for such they cannot be), but as articles of divine faith, for, in the supposition, God has spoken to them and they must believe Him.

But others to whom the revelation was not made are not bound to believe it, for the simple reason that they have not sufficient evidence that God has spoken. Dr. Salmon says: ‘If there be any one in the latter Church to whom God has made real revelations we are bound to receive the truths so disclosed with the same reverence and assent which we give to what was taught by the Apostles’ (page 214). He is here giving testimony unconsciously against himself. Unfortunately for him in his own theory the statement is quite true. He has no better means of knowing what the Apostles taught than he has of knowing whether a revelation was made to this or that individual in recent times. But in the Catholic theory — the true theory — the Doctor’s statement is quite false; for the Catholic has the infallible authority of the Church to tell him what was taught by the Apostles, whilst in the case of modern revelation he has only the authority of the person to whom the revelation is alleged to have been made.

One of the doctrines alleged by Dr. Salmon to have been founded on modern revelation is that of the Immaculate Conception. Well, the doctrine was defined in 1854, and the alleged revelation, or rather apparition, took place in 1858. The doctrine thus came before the revelation, and consequently could not be founded on it. The Doctor first builds his house and then looks about for a foundation. This is genuine town-clock theology. Again, he regards the revelations made to Margaret Mary Alacoque as the foundation of devotion to the Sacred Heart, and he says: ‘My object is to show that every one of these alleged revelations has a distinct bearing on doctrine’ (page 224). He holds that they give rise to the doctrine.

Now, devotion to the Sacred Heart is founded on the Incarnation, on the Hypostatic Union, and Dr. Salmon cannot well maintain that the doctrine has been in any way affected by the revelation said to have been made to Blessed Margaret Mary. Out of this doctrine devotion to the Sacred Heart grew, and though it has become much more general since Margaret Mary’s time, it existed long before her time. There is an Act of Consecration to the Sacred Heart given in the Divini Amoris Pharetra , written by Lauspergu?, and published a.d. 1572, fully a hundred years before Blessed Margaret Mary’s time. The devotion is distinctly referred to in the Vitis Mysbica , c. 3, n. 8, fully four hundred years before her time ; and it is not difficult to trace it much farther back into Christian antiquity. It is thus very much more ancient than Dr. Salmon fancies, and it could not, by any effort of imagination, be said with truth to have been founded on the revelations said to have been made to Blessed Margaret Mary.

But to the Doctor ‘it is downright Nestorianism;’ and he condemns it on the ground that in the Nestorian controversy ‘it was distinctly condemned to make a separation between our Lord’s Godhead and His Manhood’ (page 223). This precisely is what the devotion does not do. It rests on the impossibility of such separation; it presupposes the inseparable union of ‘our Lord’s Godhead and His Manhood,’ as the Doctor can see for himself, in any Catholic treatise on the subject, if he care to ascertain the truth. Of Blessed Margaret Mary herself he says: ‘This poor nun was subject to what we heretics would call hysteric delusions.’ This is his substitute for argument. He does not consider the evidence for the alleged revelations; that would be a tedious, a difficult process, and may perhaps lead him to an undeniable conclusions. Within his class-room he knew that his assertions would pass for argument, but for those outside, who may read his lectures, and calmly and patiently test his statements, to fancy that his mere assertion will carry much weight is one of the most supreme delusions of his life.

But, as might have been expected, the doctrine of Purgatory is Dr. Salmon’s most fruitful source of argument against the Catholic Church. All through his lectures, there is a tone of levity when speaking of Catholic doctrines that is open to grave suspicion, but this is most noticeable in his references to Purgatory. ‘The whole faith of the Church of Borne on this subject,’ he says, ‘has been built upon revelations, or, as we should call it in plain English, on ghost stories. For hundreds of years the Church seems to have known little or nothing on the subject’ (page 206). The Doctor himself seems certainly ‘to know little or nothing’ of it when he speaks thus. The Catholic Church teaches that ‘there is a Purgatory, and that souls detained there are helped by the suffrages of the faithful, but most particularly by the acceptable sacrifice of the altar.’ This is the defined doctrine on which theologians are allowed to reason and pious souls to meditate, so long only as their reasonings and inferences do not infringe on this fixed truth. Where this place or state of purgation is: what the precise nature of the sufferings there endured: how long they are to last for anyone, the Church does not say: though there is a strong tendency of Catholic teaching to lead one to believe that the pains are severe. And much unauthorised speculation on these questions in popular instructions is distinctly discouraged by the Council of Trent.

Now the supreme and sufficient argument for this or any other Catholic doctrine is the teaching of the infallible Church. The doctrine is necessarily involved in the doctrine and practice of prayer for the dead which the Church has always taught and maintained. If it be well to pray for the dead, if our prayers help them, then there must be some of them in such a state as to need our help. The saints in heaven do not need our prayers or help, and to the lost souls in hell our prayers can do no good. The souls, therefore, who can be served by our prayers must be in some intermediate state, in some state of purgation or expiation, where our prayers can procure for them the succour they need. This place or state Catholics call Purgatory. This is the substance of the doctrine on Purgatory which the Church has always taught, though Dr. Salmon told his theologians that for hundreds of years she seems to have known little or nothing of it.

Now, in the face of this confident assertion stands the indisputable fact that the doctrine was taught and believed by God’s chosen people long before the Catholic Church came into existence at all. Dr. Salmon is, of course, familiar with the well-known text, 2 Machabees xii. 43, 44, which records that Judas Machabeus made certain provision ‘for sacrifices to be offered for the sins of the dead, thinking well and religiously concerning the resurrection,’ etc. This clearly cannot be set down as the personal opinion of Judas. He is giving expression to the belief which must have been held by all those who co-operated with him in that act of mercy; by all who believed in the resurrection. They must have believed that it was not ‘superfluous and vain to pray for the dead.’ Now, if it was not ‘superfluous,’ then some of the dead must stand in need of prayers; and if it be not ‘vain,’ then the prayers must be useful to the departed souls. No wonder, then, holding this doctrine, that he should say, ‘It is, therefore, a holy and a salutary thought to pray for the dead, that they may be loosed from their sins.’

It will avail the Doctor nothing to say that the book is not canonical; for (to say nothing of the conclusive evidence against this statement) the text supplies historical proof, that the Jews at that time prayed for the dead; and believed that departed souls were succoured by the prayers of the living. It is then absolutely certain that the doctrine was believed and acted on by the Jews in our Lord’s own time, and there is no trace of any protest from Him or from the Apostles against it. On the contrary, there are texts in the New Testament which seem to presuppose the doctrine, and the force of such texts becomes much stronger when taken in connexion with the comments and teaching of early fathers. Doellenger, whom Dr. Salmon frequently quotes as an authority, shows that several texts of the New Testament were understood in early times as referring to the state of the departed souls and to make special comment on 2 Tim. i. 16-18. [First Age of the Church, vol. ii, pp. 64-70] Tertullian [De Corona Mil., c. iii.,  No. 79] says ‘we make annual sacrifices for the dead,’ and in the opening sentence of the next chapter (iv.) he says: ‘Of this and other such customs if you ask the Scripture authority, you shall not find it. Tradition hands it down to you, custom confirms it, faith secures its observance.’ And in his book, De Exhortatione Castitatis, he argues against second marriages on the ground that the husband has still a religions affection for the deceased wife, ‘for whose soul,’ he says,’ you pray, for whom you offer up annual sacrifices.’ [Cap. xi]

St. Cyprian in his sixty-sixth letter Ad Clerum refers to a previous synod which forbade priests from becoming executors, and he now orders that anyone who violates that law shall not have the sacrifice offered for him when dead. St. Cyril of Jerusalem [Cat. v. Myst., No. 9] says that after ‘Commemorating patriarchs, and prophets, and apostles, and martyrs, that God may through their intercession receive our prayers, we then pray for . . . all those who have died amongst us believing that it shall be the greatest help to their souls for whom prayers are offered while the holy and august victim is present.’ It is quite unnecessary to multiply texts from the early fathers, this doctrine is the teaching of them all. Most readers will recollect the feeling language of the dying St. Monica to her son, St Augustine, asking to remember her at the altar. St. Ambrose, St. Chrysostom Epiphanius, St. Gregory the Great, all teach this doctrine in the most unmistakable language. Again in all the ancient liturgies there are prayers for the dead, and the same cry for mercy goes up from the tombs of the catacombs. Moreover, in several early councils we find canons regulating oblations for the dead. Against all this teaching it is alleged that the prayers referred to are only commemorations such as we find made of persons departed who certainly do not need our prayers, We often find the Blessed Virgin and the Apostles so commemorated.

A glance at the texts and prayers will however dissipate this delusion. In the text given from St. Cyril a clear distinction is made between those whom we commemorate to honour, to gain their intercession, and those whom we commemorate as an act of charity to obtain mercy for them. And this distinction is clearly laid down in the writings of other fathers, and is as clearly embodied in the ancient liturgies, as it is in the Roman Missal of this day. Honourable mention, such as distinguished soldiers get in military despatches, will not satisfy this. And from these original fountains of Apostolic teaching, the doctrine has come down through fathers and councils to our own time. Now, are all these testimonies ghost stories? In the face of this chain of evidence the Doctor told his theologians that for many hundreds of years the Church seemed to have known little or nothing of the doctrine!

And in this, as in other matters, Dr. Salmon seems to know as little of the teaching of his own theologians, as of that of ours. The very latest commentator on the Articles, the Rev. E. Tyrrell Greene, M.A., says, while explaining Article 21: — ‘There is abundant evidence which goes to prove that the practice of prayer for the dead prevailed in the Primitive Church’ (page 148); and he proves his assertion from the ancient liturgies and from inscriptions in the catacombs. Dr. Luckock, Dean of Lichfield, says: — ‘It seems almost impossible to form any other conclusion than that the souls of the departed pass through some purifying process, between death and judgment. [Intermediate State, c. vii. 62] And Dr. M. MacColl, Canon of Ripon, in his Reformation Settlement, after a long and appropriate quotation from Jeremy Taylor, says: —

I will now assume that I have established these three statements: — (1) that the Church of England had nowhere refused her sanction to prayers for the dead; (2) that such prayers have been sanctioned by the Christian Church from the beginning; (3) that the Christian Church inherited them with our Lord’s tacit sanction from the Jewish Church. — (Page 318.)

And that Dr. MacColl is correct in his reference to the Church of England, was clearly proved by the decision of the Court of Arches in the case of Breeks v. Woolfrey, Nov. 19th, 1838. In that year a Catholic, John Woolfrey, died at Carisbrooke, in the Isle of Wight. He was buried in the local cemetery, and his wife erected a tombstone to his remains with the following inscription: —

Pray for the soul of J. Woolfrey.

It is a holy and a wholesome thought to pray for the dead. — 2 Ma. xii. 46.

This prayer was too distasteful to the orthodoxy of the local parson, Rev. J. Breeks, who cited Mrs. Woolfrey before the court of the Bishop Winchester, in order to have the tombstone and inscription removed. From this court it was sent to the Court of Arches, of Canterbury, where a decision was given on the day above-named by Sir Herbert Jenner Fust. The charge is a most elaborate survey of the ecclesiastical law bearing on this question; but the outcome brought very little consolation to the wounded feelings of the Rev. John Breeks. The tombstone, with its prayer, was to remain. The rev. gentleman was much more orthodox than his Church. He may inhibit prayers for the dead, but there is no evidence that the Church of England ever did so. And, as if to make matters worse for Mr. Breeks, the judge had the cruel taste of quoting the epitaph, composed by Bishop Barrow, for his own tomb; which can still be read in the Cathedral of St. Asaph, and which is quite as Roman as the prayer for poor J. Woolfrey. All these men too, of course, based their opinions on ‘ghost stories.’ Surely if Dr. Salmon had been aware that divines of high standing, scholars of high reputation, had made, after mature examination, the statements given above, he would have been less reckless in addressing an audience even such as his was.

Instead of setting before his students the real foundation of our doctrine, he entertained them with the recital of a number of stories well calculated to bring ridicule on it. He took from Father Faber, and from the Abbe Louvet, a number of alleged revelations as to the general character of Purgatory, and the state of the souls therein, and on these ‘ghost stories’ he told them ‘the whole faith of the Church of Rome’ on this matter rests. He has not even attempted to disprove any one of the ‘stories.’ And even though he had disproved them all, the Catholic doctrines on Purgatory and on Prayers for the Dead would remain just what they are. From Father Faber’s All for Jesus he quotes a number of such expressions as ‘Our Lord said to St. Gertrude,’ or ‘to St Teresa,’ which he clearly regards as too silly to need refutation. Now, Father Faber must have believed that there was evidence for these statements, and must have believed them. He does not give them as arguments for doctrine.

In fact, only one of the passages quoted by Dr. Salmon refers to Purgatory; and Dr. Salmon draws from them the following conclusion; — ‘A number of new things about Purgatory are stated on this authority . . . for instance, that the Blessed Virgin is Queen of Purgatory, that St. Michael is her Prime Minister,’ etc. (page 205). This is very witty, and must have been amusing to Dr. Salmon’s theologians, but Father Faber is not to blame for the Doctor’s profane levity. He believed the revelations quoted by him, just as he was free to disbelieve them if he thought the evidence unsatisfactory. And anyone who reads his work, and knows his history, must feel that he possesses the critical faculty quite as much as Dr. Salmon, though he has used it in a different way, and with far different results. And certainly Dr. Salmon, as revealed in those lectures, is not the man to give a decisive opinion on the dealings of God with favoured souls as St. Gertrude or St. Teresa.

But Dr. Salmon’s favourite author on this subject is the French Abbe Louvet. This priest seems, from his book, to be a pious man, not overburthened with judgment, and he wrote in circumstances of special difficulty. ‘I have formed a very high opinion both of the piety of the Abbe and of his literary honesty,’ says Dr. Salmon (page 205). And no wonder, for he supplies the Doctor with some valuable material for his lecture. He gives, for instance, and fully believes the history of St. Patrick’s Purgatory as told by Count Ramon, and, furthermore, he actually regards it as in some way connected with the real Purgatory of the departed souls. No wonder that Dr. Salmon should admire so learned, so reliable an authority. But, to do the good Abbe justice, he does not claim such high authority himself. In his Preface he apologises for the many imperfections of his book. He is a hard-working missionary in China, and he says that the book was written during a period of illness, away in his distant mission many thousand leagues from any library, from notes taken long before, and from memory. To expect a reliable or valuable work on a difficult subject from one so circumstanced is out of the question.

And the Abbe’s memory failed him on one very vital matter. According to the law of the Catholic Church such a book should not be issued without proper ecclesiastical approbation, and the Abbe’s book has none; and it is certainly quite characteristic of Dr. Salmon, as a controversialist, that he should quote as a high authority on Catholic doctrine a book written in violation of the law of the Catholic Church. There are recorded in Scripture visions and revelations quite as wonderful as any recorded by the Abbe Louvet. Those recorded by him then are possible, and for all that Dr. Salmon has said they may be true. They are not to be disposed of by notes of exclamation. As long as statements like those of Abbe Louvet do not infringe on faith or morals, the Catholic Church is just as much, and just as little, concerned with them as Dr. Salmon himself, and he is quite aware that this is so. And yet he makes on it the following characteristic comment: —

To people of their own community they assert things as positive facts, which they run away from defending the moment an opponent grapples with them. It would seem as if their maxim was, ‘We need not be particular about the truth of what we say if no one is present who can contradict us.’ — (Page 216, note.)

Et tu Brute! Such a statement implies an unusual amount of hardihood, considering the character of his own lectures!

The ‘Gallican theory’ is, according to Dr. Salmon, fatal to the Infallibility of the Church. ‘That theory,’ he says, ‘places the Infallibility in the Church diffusive’ (page 262). The Doctor’s language here is equivocal. It would apply either to passive infallibility of the body of believers, or to the active infallibility of the teaching Church. And as his aim here is to assail ‘infallibility in teaching,’ let it be supposed that he is more logical than his language indicates, and that by ‘the Church diffusive’ he means the body of bishops diffused throughout the Church, and including, of course, the Pope. The Gallicans held that this body was infallible in its teaching, and this doctrine has been already proved. They disbelieved in the Infallibility of the Pope; and it is a curious thing about Dr. Salmon’s logic that his arguments against the doctrine which the Gallicans held are arguments in favour of the doctrine which they denied, and which he himself denies and denounces most vehemently.

‘One thing is plain,’ he says, ‘namely, that if this is the nature of the gift of infallibility Christ has bestowed on His Church, the gift is absolutely useless for the determination of controversies’ (page 269). ‘We can see thus that the Gallican method of ascribing Infallibility to the Church diffusive does not satisfy any of the a priori supposed proofs for the necessity of a judge of controversies’ (page 271). Thus, whilst arguing against one Catholic doctrine he is, no doubt, unconsciously proving another; his argument against the infallibility of the Church tends very strongly to prove the Infallibility of the Pope. The General Synod should look to the Doctor’s logic. As Dr. O’Hanlon used to say, ‘such teaching deserves a note.’

Now, the Gallicans held the Infallibility of the Church, how then can they be quoted as witnessing against that doctrine? The Doctor has not explained the intricate process which led him to this discovery. How far Gallicanism can be regarded as an argument against Papal Infallibility will be considered when that doctrine comes on for discussion. Dr. Salmon is well aware, for he says so, that the Declaration of 1682 was forced on the French Church by the tyranny of Louis XIV.

I believe [he says] that, but for court pressure, Bossuet and his colleagues would not have engaged in the controversy with Rome, which the act of formulating these propositions involved. . . . I have my doubts whether these hangers-on of the court of Louis XIV. really carried the religious mind of the nation with him. — (Page 266.)

And yet, strange to say, in the very same page he says: ‘The four Gallican propositions expressed, as I believe, the real opinion of the French Church!’ They did not express the real opinion of the venerable French Church, and of this there is now conclusive evidence. They were forced on by the unscrupulous tyranny of the king and his ministers; and were accepted only by time-serving prelates who were ready to give to Caesar what belonged to God. M. Charles Gerin, in his History of the Assembly of 1682, has accumulated from sources hitherto unpublished, a mass of information on the proceedings of the assembly; and has put in its true light the conduct of its leading spirits. It was a packed assembly. Its members were really chosen by the king’s agents. Only thirty-four out of one hundred and thirty bishops were present, and these were selected, not for their learning or their piety, but for their well-known servility; and M. Gerin has produced letters of very many of them which show how fully they expected to be rewarded for their services. Such an assembly could have no moral weight, and its decision was forced on the French Church by the most absolute tyranny.

In his fifteenth chapter M. Gerin shows what were the feelings of the French Church at the time, and the means adopted to crush those feelings. Colbert, the king’s unscrupulous minister, had his spies in the University to note how the articles were likely to be received, and the secret reports supplied to him are brought to light by M. Gerin. Of one hundred and sixty doctors of the Sorbonne ‘all, but six or seven,’ are reputed as opposed to the articles; in the College of Navarre ‘all, but one,’ opposed; at St. Sulpice and the Foreign Missions Colleges ‘all, but four or five’; and among the orders ‘all.’ And a month after the assembly Colbert, himself, writes that nearly all the bishops who signed the declaration would willingly retract the next day if they could. This is the evidence of facts, as adduced by M. Gerin, and it completely disproves Dr. Salmon’s statement that the ‘four articles expressed the real opinion of the French Church.’ And it is clear, therefore, that even as a difficulty against Papal Infallibility, Gallicanism breaks down hopelessly.
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In speaking of General Councils Dr. Salmon has surpassed himself. Here his real controversial tact is conspicuous; and if his students carry away from his lectures any respect for early General Councils, the fault is not attributable to their Professor. He told them that the authority of General Councils had now practically ceased to be matter of controversy, because that Catholics ‘who claim that prerogative for the Pope, and whose ascendancy was completely established at the Vatican Council of 1870, have been quite as anxious, as we can be, that no rival claim for councils should be allowed to establish itself’ (page 281). The Doctor is here drawing on his imagination. Catholics can never give up any doctrine once taught by the Church. There have been several dogmatic treatises written on the Church since the Vatican Council; and he will find in each one of them this doctrine stated and vindicated, though he told his students it was practically set aside.

This doctrine is included in the ordinary proof of the Infallibility of the Ecclesia Docens which Dr. Salmon has not considered. But having laid down the above extraordinary premises, be proceeds to discredit General Councils on Catholic authority. ‘I am trying to prove no more,’ he says, ‘than has been asserted by eminent Roman Catholic divines as, for example, by Cardinal Newman’ (page 282). Now it must be borne in mind that there is question only of General Councils, for to such only do Catholics attribute Infallibility. And Newman’s testimony against them, he says, is that ‘Cardinal Newman describes the fourth century Councils’ (Nicaea and first of Constantinople being of the number), ‘as a scandal to the Christian name.’

It appears absolutely useless to look for a fair quotation in Dr. Salmon’s book. This quotation is from Newman’s Historical Sketches, vol. iii. p. 335, and is as follows: — ‘Arianism came into the Church with Constantine, and the Councils which it convoked and made its tools were a scandal to the Christian name.’ Dr. Salmon omitted all except the concluding words of the sentence, and applied these words in a sense openly and expressly excluded by the text. According to Newman, certain Arian Councils were ‘a scandal to the Christian name,’ and, therefore, says Dr. Salmon to his students, we have Newman teaching that all the fourth century Councils, Nicaea, and the first of Constantinople amongst the number, were ‘a scandal to the Christian name.’ Now, Dr. Salmon could not have mistaken Newman’s meaning in the passage, for besides his specially naming the Arian Councils, he added, in the very next sentence, ‘the Council of Nicaea, which preceded them, was by right final on the controversy, but this Constantine’s successor, Constantius, and his court bishops would not allow.’ And yet Dr. Salmon quotes Cardinal Newman as teaching that even this Council of Nicaea was ‘a scandal to the Christian name’!

On the strength of his misquotation of Newman, Dr. Salmon proceeds to show that the Ecumenical Councils of the fifth century were quite as much discredited as those which preceded them, and selects specially the Council of Ephesus. His argument against this Council is founded altogether on the personal character of St. Cyril of Alexandria, whom he paints in the very blackest of colours indeed. After referring to a number of Cyril’s alleged misdeeds, he again quotes Cardinal Newman: — ‘Cardinal Newman here gives up Cyril, “Cyril, I know, is a saint, but it does not follow that he was a saint in the year 412” ‘ (page 307). Now, to say that a man is a saint does not look like giving him up; and Newman, moreover, says of him, after referring to the charges made against him: —

Thoughts such as these . . . were a great injustice to Cyril. Cyril was a clear-headed constructive theologian. He saw what Theodoret did not see. He was not content with anathematising Nestorius; he laid down a positive view of the Incarnation which the Universal Church accepted, and holds to this day, as the very truth of Revelation. It is this insight into and grasp of the Adorable mystery which constitutes his claim to take his seat among the Doctors of Holy Church. [Hist. Sketches, vol. iii, p. 345]

But the question is not at all what was the personal character of Cyril, but was the Council infallible: and Cardinal Newman, in the very page quoted by Dr. Salmon, has given his answer which is the answer of all Catholic antiquity: ‘There was a greater Presence in the midst of them than John, Theodoret, or Cyril, and He carried out His truth and His will in spite of the rebellious natures of His chosen ones.’ [Ibid., vol. iii, 353] Cardinal Newman here asserts, what no Catholic ever thought of questioning, that the authority of General Councils is due to the over-ruling guidance of the Holy Ghost, and not to the personal character of those who compose them. And at a time when heretical bishops were intruded in several sees by the civil power, and laboured by the most violent means to diffuse the poison of their heresy, it is not much matter for surprise that one like St. Cyril, of strong temper, and of stern, unbending orthodoxy, should, in dealing with them, have sometimes forgotten the principles of politeness. But, in the eyes of Dr. Salmon, St. Cyril’s unpardonable sin is that he was the Pope’s Legate at the Council.

Dr. Salmon quotes a well-known text of St. Gregory Nazianzen against the authority of General Councils. It is from the opening of letter forty-two to Procopius: ‘If I must write the truth, I am disposed to avoid any assembly of bishops, for of no synod have I seen a profitable end, but rather an addition to, than a diminution, of evils’ (page 297). Now, there is nothing more notorious about the text than that it does not refer to General Councils at all. The only General Council held before this letter was written was that of Nicaea; and in his twenty-first oration on St. Athanasius he speaks in most enthusiastic terms of that ‘Holy Council held at Nicaea, and of the three hundred and eighteen most select men whom the Holy Spirit brought together there.’ Surely, then, it is trifling, even with his students, to quote St. Gregory against that Council. Now, the letter was written before the second General Council, the first of Constantinople, and consequently could not refer to that Council either.

There are some Protestant writers who say that Gregory’s letter was in reply to an intimation to attend the second General Council, and they continue with a strange perversity to quote his letter against it. But, even though this were granted (and it is not granted, for it is not true), the letter could have no reference to General Councils, for the second General Council became general only in exitu. No one regarded it as a General Council at its opening. And, there fore, even though Gregory’s letter actually referred to it, it would be no evidence against the authority of General Councils. St. Gregory was speaking of a number of synods held in his time, in which the violence of heretical bishops rendered calm discussion impossible, and from which, therefore, no good result could be anticipated. And Dr. Salmon himself supplies abundant proof that St. Gregory was complaining of such synods, and that he had ample cause.

At page 295, he quotes even St. Augustine against the infallible authority of councils. But it is perfectly clear, even from the extract given by Dr. Salmon, that the saint is only anxious to bring his Arian opponent to argue on the common ground of Holy Scriptures; and hence he says, ‘I shall not quote Nicaea against you, for you reject it; nor you quote Rimini against me, for I reject it; let us argue on the Scriptures which we both accept.’ The extract is from Liber Contra Man. Ar., Lib. 2, c. 14, n. 3, and the opening sentence of the section shows how fully St. Augustine maintained the doctrine which Dr. Salmon told his students he denied!

But Dr. Salmon puts the climax to his arguments against the Infallibility of General Councils, when he compares them to meetings of the Protestant Synod! ‘When an assembly of ourselves meet,’ he says, ‘together to consult on questions affecting the interests of the Church . . . we do not expect any such assembly to be free from error’ (page 285). After this very modest disclaimer on the part of the Doctor, it is difficult to see how General Councils can survive the blow. It is ‘the most unkindest cut of all.’ As already stated the Infallibility of General Councils rests not on the personal character and merits of those who compose them, though very many learned and holy men are always among them, it rests on God’s promise to be with His Church in her teaching. Dr. Salmon accepts the doctrine of the early General Councils, not, however, because the Councils were infallible, but because he knows that the doctrine is true. But how does he know this? The answer is not far to seek, it is the old story, General Councils are not infallible but the Doctor is.

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Photo credit: George Salmon, from Cassell’s universal portrait gallery: no later than 1895 [public domain / Wikimedia Commons]
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Summary: Jeremiah Murphy, D.D. made a devastating reply to anti-Catholic George Salmon’s rantings in a multi-part review in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record in 1901-1902.
March 16, 2023

The Innumerable Perils of Perspicuity of Scripture and Private Judgment

The book, The Infallibility of the Church (1888) by Anglican anti-Catholic polemicist George Salmon (1819-1904), may be one of the most extensive and detailed — as well as influential — critiques of the Catholic Church ever written. But, as usual with these sorts of works, it’s abominably argued and relentlessly ignorant and/or dishonest, as the critique below will amply demonstrate and document.
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The most influential and effective anti-Catholic Protestant polemicist today, “Dr” [???] James White, cites Salmon several times in his written materials, and regards his magnum opus as an “excellent” work. In a letter dated 2 November 1959, C. S. Lewis recommended the book to an inquirer who was “vexed” about papal infallibility. Russell P. Spittler, professor of New Testament at Fuller Theological Seminary, wrote that “From an evangelical standpoint,” the book “has been standard since first published in 1888” (Cults and Isms, Baker Book House, 1973, 117). Well-known Baptist apologist Edward James Carnell called it the “best answer to Roman Catholicism” in a 1959 book. I think we can safely say that it is widely admired among theological (as well as “emotional”) opponents of the Catholic Church.
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Prominent Protestant apologist Norman Geisler and his co-author Ralph MacKenzie triumphantly but falsely claim, in a major critique of Catholicism, Roman Catholics and Evangelicals: Agreements and Differences (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1995, 206-207, 459), that Salmon’s book has “never really been answered by the Catholic Church,” and call it the “classic refutation of papal infallibility,” which also offers “a penetrating critique of Newman’s theory.”
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Salmon’s tome, however, has been roundly refuted at least twice: first, by Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record (March / May / July / September / November 1901 and January / March 1902): a response (see the original sources) — which I’ve now transcribed almost in its totality — which was more than 73,000 words, or approximately 257 pages; secondly, by Bishop Basil Christopher Butler (1902-1986) in his book, The Church and Infallibility: A Reply to the Abridged ‘Salmon’ (1954, 230 pages). See all of these replies — and further ones that I make — listed under “George Salmon” on my Anti-Catholicism web page. But no Protestant can say that no Catholic has adequately addressed (and refuted) the egregious and ubiquitous errors in this pathetic book. And we’ll once again see how few (if any) Protestants dare to counter-reply to all these critiques.
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See other installments of this series:
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Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 1 [3-10-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 2 . . . In Which Dr. Salmon Accuses Cardinal Newman of Lying Through His Teeth in His Essay on Development, & Dr. Murphy Magnificently Defends Infallibility and Doctrinal Development Against Gross Caricature [3-12-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 3 . . . In Which Our Sophist-Critic Massively Misrepresents Cardinal Newman and Utterly Misunderstands the Distinction Between Implicit and Explicit Faith [3-12-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 4 . . . In Which Dr. Salmon Sadly Reveals Himself to be a Hyper-Rationalistic Pelagian Heretic, and Engages in Yet More Misrepresentation of Development of Doctrine and Cardinal Newman’s Statements and Positions [3-15-23]
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Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 5: Private Judgment, the Rule of Faith, and Dr. Salmon’s Weak Fallible Protestant “Church”: Subject to the Whims of Individuals; Church Fathers Misquoted [3-15-23]
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Vol. XI: January 1902
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Dr. Salmon’s ‘Infallibility’ (Part 6)
Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy, D.D.
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[I have made a few paragraph breaks not found in the original. Citations in smaller font are instead indented, and all of Dr. Salmon’s words will be in blue. In this installment, I have omitted, for the sake of brevity and concision, significant portions that, in my opinion, were merely repeating past points made, as regards the authority and function of the Catholic Church, or examining fine and technical points of theology and authority that would be tedious and boring to the average reader]
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Dr. Salmon is a theologian of unlimited resources, and this is shown conspicuously by his triumphant vindication of his rule of faith. It has been already shown, and on the clearest evidence, that the rule begets contradictory creeds almost without number; but, in this somewhat discouraging fact, the Doctor actually finds a proof of its divine origin.

The fact is [he says], what the existence of variations of belief among Christians really proves is, that our Master, Christ, has not done what Roman Catholic theory requires He should have done, namely, provided His people with means of such full and certain information on all points on which controversy can be raised, that there shall be no room for difference of opinion among them. But it is ridiculous to build on these variations an argument for the superiority of one sect over another. — (Page 87.)

The Doctor is quite correct in this last remark. ‘It is ridiculous’ to infer from these variations that one sect is better than another, for all are equally bad, all alike are blind leaders of the blind, and tend to the same abyss. The Church of God alone is the ark of salvation. She alone is proof against the gates of hell, — unchanged and unchangeable as a teacher and guardian of divine truth.

So anxious was our Blessed Lord Himself for unity of faith amongst men, that He prayed to His Eternal Father that His disciples should be one, even as He and the Father are one; and He established His Church and endowed it with supernatural attributes to generate and preserve that unity. ‘He gave some apostles, and some prophets, and others some evangelists, and others pastors and doctors, for the perfecting of the saints, and for the edifying of the body of Christ, until we all meet in the unity of faith and of the knowledge of the Son of God . . . that henceforth we be no more children tossed to-and-fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine.’ [Eph 4:11-14] His Apostles exhorted their followers to ‘preserve the unity of Spirit in the bond of peace.’ They preached ‘One Lord, one faith, one baptism,’  and specially warned their followers against schisms. But Dr. Salmon is a man of accomplished facts. In his theology ‘whatever is, is right’ (except, of course, the Catholic Church, which must be wrong in every hypothesis). He sees around him creeds, whose name is legion, diametrically opposed on the most vital doctrines of Christianity, and in this very fact he finds a vindication of the rule which has generated, and which explains them all. Our Lord and His Apostles, no doubt, insist on unity of faith, and in the clearest possible language, but Dr. Salmon holds that they did not mean it, as is clearly shown by the almost numberless variations of existing sects.

This is a most convenient system of theology. It cannot be assailed, and so it need not be defended. Its variability enables it to assume different forms when seriously attacked, and thus it evades the grasp of logic as well as of common sense. It is a series of dissolving views. And as Dr. Salmon enjoys such unrestricted freedom of belief or disbelief, it is natural that he should sympathise with us, as victims of ‘Roman bondage,’ who are forced to surrender our liberty, our ‘most deep-rooted beliefs . . . solely in deference to external authority . . . though unable to see any flaw in the arguments’ for these beliefs (page 24). According to Dr. Salmon, we make an irrational surrender of our liberty, and in his great charity he is moved to pity us. But charity is said to begin at home; and now, what about the Doctor’s own liberty? He does not tell us what articles of the Christian faith he believes; but he tells us that they are contained in the Bible, and that he has satisfied himself that they are so contained. He must then have discovered, for certain, the meaning of those texts of Scripture in which his articles of faith are revealed. And if he have discovered for certain, the meaning of certain Scripture texts, he is no more free to reject that meaning than Catholics are to reject the teaching of the Church; he is as much bound to that meaning as we are to doctrines defined by the Church. There can be no liberty to reject the known truth.

And what, then, becomes of his boasted liberty? He is free only when he is ignorant. If he know the meaning of the text he is not free to reject it. If he have definite knowledge derived from Scripture he surrenders his liberty quite as much as a Catholic. But he surrenders to a human authority — to himself; whereas a Catholic surrenders his liberty in deference to an authority that is divine. Dr. Salmon, then, can claim the liberty of which he boasts only by the awkward admission, that he does not know for certain the meaning of a single text in his Bible. Such is the liberty which Dr. Salmon and his theologians enjoy; and such being the case the Bible is to them a very useful rule of faith. It enables the Doctor, and men like him, to profess belief in the Christian faith in general, without binding themselves to any particular dogma. With his theologians it serves its purpose as a war cry against us; — they could not, and their professor did not, analyse it. And the result of this liberty is apparent in every statement of so-called Protestant doctrine. They are vague, meaningless platitudes — the natural, the necessary result of the rule from which they come. Mr. Capes, whom Dr. Salmon quotes as a friendly witness (page 62), says of his Church: —

To speak of the Church of England, therefore, as constituting a realization of the apostolical ideal of Christian communion is, in my opinion, entirely to misconceive its real character. In reality, the Establishment is a vast anomaly, both in its origin as a creation of the law, and in the totally contradictory doctrines which it allows to be taught within its pale.

And after describing the internal confusion of the Establishment, Mr. Capes adds: —

In the midst of this confusion it is not to be doubted that the Church of England, which is the very embodiment of the idea of Christian dissensions, has proved itself a working institution on an immense scale.

And so enamoured is Mr. Capes of this theological bedlam that, like Dr. Salmon, he sees in its dissensions ‘a startling proof that, for the present, at any rate, the apparent anomaly has a foundation in real unity. [Capes’ Reasons, pp. 187-190] This is the fruit of Dr. Salmon’s rule of faith, in the words of his own chosen witness. Those who follow such spiritual guides do not show much private judgment or discretion.

Now, as Dr. Salmon’s rule enables him to put on the Bible any sense at all he pleases, it is only natural that he should make the following statement: —

There is no difficulty in an individual using Scripture as his rule of faith, for he can learn, without much difficulty, what the statements of the Bible on any subject are; and on most subjects these statements are easy to be understood. — (Pages 130, 131.)

But as this statement is made in the face of facts, and in direct contradiction to the testimony of St. Peter, Dr. Salmon elsewhere qualifies it thus:—

But we say that the revelation God has given us is, in essential matters, easy to be understood. Roman Catholics dwell much on the difficulty of understanding the Scriptures, and quote St. Peter’s saying that the Scriptures contain many things difficult and ‘hard to be understood, which they that are unlearned and unstable wrest to their own destruction.’ But we say that the obscurities of Scripture do not hide those vital points, the knowledge of which is necessary to salvation. — (Page 90.)

It must be satisfactory to his students to see how easily Dr. Salmon disposes of St. Peter. The saint said Scripture is, in some parts, so difficult that ‘the unlearned and unstable wrest it to their own destruction.’ But whatever may be the conviction of St. Peter, Dr. Salmon says that ‘the obscurities of Scripture do not hide those vital points, the knowledge of which is necessary to salvation.’ Now it is only a mistake as to ‘those vital points’ that could lead to spiritual ruin; and since St. Peter says that some persons did interpret Scripture to their own ruin, these persons, then, must have mistaken those very ‘vital points’ which, according to Dr. Salmon, are so clear that no one can mistake them at all. ‘Vital points’ may be mistaken, for they have been mistaken, says St. Peter. No, replies Dr. Salmon, ‘vital points’ cannot be mistaken, so clearly are they contained in Scripture. Of course, the Trinity theologians accept the statement of Dr. Salmon. It would be against all the traditions of their Church and College to take the teaching of a Pope in preference to that of a Protestant professor.

Dr. Salmon frequently refers to those vital points, ‘the knowledge of which we count necessary to salvation’ (page 74). And with regard to them he says, again and again, that Scripture is sufficiently clear. This is the common Protestant theory of Fundamentals; and, like other Protestant teachers, Dr. Salmon is very careful not to tell us what these ‘vital points,’ these fundamental doctrines are. To bind himself down to any definite statement would be to surrender the liberty which his rule secures to him. But when he speaks of ‘essential matters,’ ‘vital points,’ he clearly must mean that there are some doctrines which must be believed, though he does not state their number or define them. And here again, his rule of faith comes to relieve him of any undue dogmatic burthens, and acts as a safeguard to his liberty. For, whatever the ‘vital points’ be, they must be contained in Scripture, and provable from it by the ‘individual Christian.’ Thus the ‘individual Christian’ is to judge for himself what the ‘vital points’ for himself are; and the inevitable result is, almost as many lists of ‘fundamental articles’ as there are individuals.

Now, Dr. Salmon professes, at least, to rest his faith on Scripture alone, and where can he find a trace of authority in Scripture for dividing revealed doctrines into articles which must be believed, and articles which may be disbelieved? When he speaks of ‘essential matters,’ ‘vital points,’ he distinctly implies that there are matters that are not essential, points that are not vital. And where is his Scripture authority for this distinction? He has none. The question here is not at all as to that minimum of explicit faith which, in all circumstances, and for all persons, is absolutely necessary as a means of salvation; that has already been discussed. Dr. Salmon is here discussing the rule of faith — the rule whereby men are to interpret God’s revelation, and to find out what they are, not in extraordinary and exceptional circumstances, but in general and
in ordinary circumstances, to believe. And Dr. Salmon, applying his rule, declares that amongst revealed doctrines, some are ‘vital,’ ‘essential,’ and must be believed; others are not vital, nor essential, and may, therefore, be disbelieved. This is Dr. Salmon’s theory.

But our Lord’s own theory, unmistakably laid down by Himself, is very different: ‘He that believeth, and is baptised, shall be saved, but he that believeth not shall be condemned.’ [Mk 16:16] ‘Going therefore, teach all nations: . . to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you.’ [Mt 28:19-20] Here our Lord distinctly, and without exception, states that he that believeth not shall be condemned, and that we are to believe all that He has commanded. He makes no distinction between truths of faith, as vital and non-vital; He gives no liberty to reject anything that He has revealed. And whoever rejects any each truth shall, He says, be condemned. This is our Lord’s teaching.

But the Regius Professor thinks this ‘a hard saying;’ and he tells his students that their obligation of belief is limited to ‘vital points,’ which, for their farther comfort, they are at liberty to determine for themselves. Our Lord’s words clearly leave no room for the distinction; but Dr. Salmon is a ‘prayerful man,’ and he knows that our Lord did not really mean what He so distinctly and emphatically said. Revelation is all God’s Word, and we believe it on His authority. That authority is just as good for believing any one revealed truth as any other. Everything that God has revealed is an object of faith, to be believed, at least, implicitly. All of it that is sufficiently proposed to us, we must believe explicitly. To reject any portion of it would be to refuse to believe Him, to make Him a liar, to make a shipwreck of the faith.

Thus Dr. Salmon’s theory of ‘vital’ and non-vital articles is an outrage on reason, as well as a palpable contradiction of our Lord’s own express declaration. If ‘the revelation which God has given us is, in essential matters, easy to be understood,’ how is it that for three hundred years Protestants have not been able even once to agree as to what these ‘essential matters’ are? The Trinity, the Incarnation, Baptismal Regeneration, the Sacramental System, the Inspiration of Scripture — these, surely, ought to be regarded as ‘vital points’ of Christian faith; and yet they are, one and all, held and denied by members of  Dr. Salmon’s Church, who, all alike, appeal, to the Bible as the rule of faith, and all justify their denials by appealing to Dr. Salmon’s distinction of essential and non-essential articles. Mr. Palmer, in his Treatise on the Church [vol. i, pp. 102-106], gives a number of theories of fundamentals held by Protestant theologians. He shows the state of hopeless confusion to which the discussion leads them, and he gives his own opinion in language that is very far from complimentary to those who hold the opinions expressed by Dr. Salmon. He says: —

Whatever foundation there may be for the notion that some doctrines are more important in themselves than others, it cannot be supposed that any doctrine certainly revealed by Christ is unimportant to us, or that it may be safely disbelieved, or that we may recognise as Christians those who obstinately disbelieve such a doctrine. [page 106]

St. Paul said to the Corinthians: ‘I beseech you, brethren, by the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that you all speak the same thing, and that there be no schisms among you, but that you be perfect in the same mind and in the same judgment.’ [1 Cor 1:10] The Apostle would have appealed in vain to men like Dr. Salmon. The result of the Doctor’s teaching, the fruit of the rule which be maintains, is that men do not and shall not speak the same thing; that there are schisms without number, and every day increasing in number; that scarcely any two persons give the same judgment, even on the most vital Christian dogmas; and that Dr. Salmon’s Church is (to use the very candid description of his friend Mr. Capes) ‘the very embodiment of the idea of Christian dissensions,’ and ‘that almost every existing school of Christian (?) theology can find a home within its boundaries.’ [Pages 185-7] The Gospel according to Dr. Salmon is not the Gospel according to Mr. Palmer, and the Gospel according to Dean Farrar has little affinity with either, though all spring from the same prolific source of error — the Bible, and the Bible only, as a rule of faith.

And in the Doctor’s theology the rule reaches the climax of impious absurdity. For in his system the ‘individual Christian is the supreme judge of “vital points,” ’ and, is, therefore, at liberty to say that any doctrine, no matter how clearly revealed, is still not ‘a vital point,’ — is not one of those ‘the knowledge of which we count necessary to salvation,’ (page 74), and may, therefore, be rejected as unnecessary. And thus the ‘individual Christian’ may, on Dr. Salmon’s theory, reject every single article of the Christian creed, and the Broad Church section has actually done so. The rule which begets such religious chaos, such soul-destroying error, stands condemned.

Dr. Salmon’s idea of the Catholic rule of faith reminds one forcibly of Mr. Pott’s work on Chinese metaphysics. A criticism of this profoundly learned work appeared in the Eatanswill Gazette, and strangely enough had escaped the notice of Mr. Bob Sawyer, and even of Mr. Pickwick himself. When the last-named gentleman was questioned by Mr. Pott as to his opinion of the criticism, he said in his embarrassment: ‘An abstruse subject, I should conceive.’ ‘Very, sir,’ responded Pott, looking intensely sage. ‘He crammed for it, to use a technical but expressive term; he read up for the subject at my desire in the Encyclopaedia Britannica.’ ‘Indeed!’ said Mr. Pickwick. ‘I was not aware that that valuable work contained any information on Chinese Metaphysics.’ ‘He read, sir,’ rejoined Mr. Pott, laying his hand on Mr. Pickwick’s knee, and looking round, with a smile of intellectual superiority, ‘he read for metaphysics under the letter M, and for China under the letter C, and combined his information, sir!’ Dr. Salmon must have done something of the same sort. He must have studied for Faith under the letter F, and for Rule under the letter R, and combined his information. ‘And looking round with a smile of intellectual superiority,’ not even second to Mr. Pott, he imparted his combined information to his admiring students who must have been more than ever convinced of ‘the baselessness of the Roman claims.’

He informed them that no ‘other proof is necessary, of the modernness of the Roman role of faith than the very complicated form it assumes’ (page 129). Now Chinese metaphysics are older than the Catholic rule of faith, and certainly more complicated; and hence a thing may be complicated and old at the same time. The Doctor’s logic then is not good. But here is his ‘explanation,’ which is worthy of Mr. Pott when at the zenith of his fame: —

But the true explanation why Roman Catholic controversialists state their rule of faith in this complicated form is, that Christians began by taking Scripture as their guide, and then when practices were found current which could not be defended out of the Bible, tradition was invoked to supplement the deficiencies of Scripture. Last of all, when no proof could be made out either from Scripture or antiquity for Roman Catholic doctrines and practices, the authority of the Church was introduced to silence all opposition. — (Page 130).

This is combined information of the genuine Mr. Pott type. Now, Dr. Salmon was not an eye-witness of the interesting changes he has here recorded. Where, then, did he get his information? It must have come from some source as reliable as Taylor’s Dissuasive; unless, indeed, it be a private revelation to the Doctor himself. ‘Christians began,’ he says, ‘by taking Scripture as their guide.’ No; they had not the Scripture to take as a guide when they began. They began by taking the teaching of a divinely-commissioned body — the Ecclesia Docens — as their guide; they had no other. ‘And when practices were found current which could not be defended out of the Bible, tradition was invoked.’ No; tradition came before Scripture, not after it; and Dr. Salmon does not say what the indefensible practices were. ‘Last of all . . . the authority of the Church was introduced to silence all objections.’ No; first of all, the authority of the Church was introduced, when our Lord said to His Apostles, ‘going therefore teach all nations.’ Not a line of the New Testament was written for many years after the giving of this commission, which established Church authority, and is its charter. This, then, is not a ‘modern foundation,’ as the Doctor describes it; it is as old as Christianity. The version then of our rule of faith, supplied by Dr. Salmon, is a specimen of ‘combined information,’ quite on a par with the Chinese metaphysics of Mr. Pott’s critic, and the young men who took in his Pickwickian theology are likely to become enlightened guides of the rising generation of Protestants.

He informed them, furthermore, that the Catholic Church was so intolerant, so domineering, that she ‘expects to be believed on her bare word; she does not condescend to offer proofs’ (page 128). Now, it is an average specimen of the Doctor’s consistency, that just seven lines lower down than the above he admits, she does condescend to ‘offer proofs.’ ‘And if that Church condescends to offer proof of her doctrine [which is an admission that she does], she claims to be the sole judge whether what she offers are proofs or not.’ This is a serious, a grave charge against the Catholic Church. ‘She expects to be believed on her bare word.’ Yes, and the Doctor might have made his case stronger; for, she not only ‘expects,’ but she insists on ‘being believed on her bare word.’ She holds her commission from God Himself; she will not, therefore, allow Dr. Salmon, or his ‘individual Christian,’ to sit in judgment on her. Had she done so, she would be in the same position as the Doctor’s town-clock Church; — fake to her commission, unreliable as a guide, and unworthy of obedience. The Doctor’s damaging attack on the Church is, then, merely an argument of her divine origin. He is a profound logician, this Regius Professor; or, can it be, that he is a Jesuit in disguise, who is knowingly putting forward arguments against the Catholic Church, that can have but one result, to bring ridicule on the cause he professes to advocate[?] On such teaching his controversialists have a brilliant future before them.

The Doctor has another grave charge against us, to which we are prepared to plead guilty. ‘What I want to point out,’ he says, ‘is, that in the Roman Catholic controversy, this question about the rule of faith is altogether subordinate to the question as to the judge of controversies, or in other words, the question as to the infallibility of the Church’ (page 127). And he repeats this at page 129. Now, if he had read, with any care, any of our dogmatic theologians on the subject of his lectures, he would find them speaking of a remote and of a proximate rule of faith. The remote rule is the Word of God, contained in Scripture and tradition; it is thus a name for the source whence the Church takes her teaching. The proximate rule is the living voice of the teaching Church, which explains God’s Word to us. The Word of God is in the keeping of the Ecclesia Docens, and is therefore subordinate to it. God has made it so, for he has made the teaching Church its guardian and interpreter. Dr. Salmon could have easily learned this from our theologians, and he should have learned it somewhere, before he set about confusing his students as to our teaching. But he does not seem to have sufficiently considered even his own position; for he, too, holds that there is a judge of controversies to which his rule of faith (the Bible) is subordinate.

The ‘individual Christian’ is, according to the Doctor, to decide whether the Church’s teaching is in accordance with Scripture. The Doctor himself, therefore, is a judge of controversies, but only for himself; and so, in his system, is each individual Christian to the same extent. And, such being the case, what becomes of the Doctor’s position as Regius Professor? Why is he dictating to his controversialists if each is a divinely constituted judge of the contents of the Bible? The main difference between the Doctor and us, in this matter, is that he has a judge of controversy — himself, admittedly, notoriously fallible — a judge which cannot decide; and we have a judge of controversy — the teaching Church — to which God has expressly promised Infallibility, whose decrees, therefore, must be final, because they must be true. It is not at all, as Dr. Salmon told his theologians, a question of the Bible against the Church, for the Church adopts the Bible; it is her Bible; it is a question of the individual against the Church. The Catholic judge of controversies has a commission from God; the Protestant judge has no commission. It is a wearying task to follow Dr. Salmon through his illogical blunderings, and it is anything but a favourable index of the educational standard at Trinity, that its leading light should be so hopelessly bad a logician, that in his own special, chosen department, he should be unable to rise above the level of a street preacher, and that its most advanced students should take in their Professor’s crude lucubrations, with as much awe and reverence as Mr. Pickwick displayed when swallowing the Chinese metaphysics of Mr. Pott.

The Catholic rule of faith is not the caricature which Dr. Salmon sets before his students. It has God for its author. His wisdom designed it, and His power maintains it. It is, therefore, adapted to its purposes and adequate to the attainment of its end. In order to have divine faith we must have God’s Word, and we must know its meaning; that is, we must have a witness to the fact of revelation, and an interpreter of its true sense. And since faith is an absolutely necessary means for salvation, the witness and interpreter must be always present, living, testifying, teaching. For, if in any age since its institution, the witness or interpreter had been wanting, then, in that age faith would have been impossible, and salvation impossible also. And, moreover, this witness and interpreter must be infallible. If the witness were fallible, it might testify that God had spoken when He had not spoken; and if the interpreter were fallible, it might assign a meaning to God’s Word which is not His meaning. In either case we may be deceived, and may not be believing God’s words, but man’s speculations. And if we may be deceived, our assent would be, at best, doubtful, hesitating; and a doubtful, hesitating assent is not faith, it is only opinion. To have divine faith, therefore, we must have a witness and interpreter that will exclude doubt, that cannot err; that is, the witness and interpreter must be infallible; and that infallible witness and interpreter God has mercifully given us in the Ecclesia Docens — the teaching Church, whose living, never-failing, never-changing voice is the Catholic rule of faith. . . .

Dr. Salmon’s Church is not a witness to the fact of revelation; she came fifteen hundred years too late; and she is completely dis credited as an interpreter by the contradictory doctrines to which she stands pledged. And as for the Doctor himself, and his ‘individual Christian,’ they come later still; and even though the Doctor were a sort of Wandering Jew, who could trace back his career to the scene on Calvary, his reliability as a witness is completely shattered by his own lectures. Neither the Doctor, then, nor his Church can witness to the fact of revelation, nor tell its sense without grave risk of error, and therefore neither can be a guide in the important matter of faith. . . .

Now, Dr. Salmon’s rule is not competent to decide religions controversies. It has had a three-hundred years trial, and it has decided nothing except its own worthlessness. It has generated sects almost innumerable, professing most contradictory creeds, or rather not knowing what to profess. It set out by professing what it could not prove, that the Bible is God’s Word; and now, at the bidding of the ‘higher criticism,’ it has come to hold that God’s Word is somewhere in the Bible, but it cannot tell where. Such a rule cannot be from God. Dr. Salmon led his students to believe that he had disposed of the Catholic rule of faith, when he held up for their ridicule a caricature formed of some misquotations of Dr. Milner, supplemented by some not very ingenious inventions of his own. He told them that Dr. Milner ‘demanded that God should miraculously secure men from error of any kind ’ (page 97). And his version of the Catholic role is, ‘I know that I am right and you are wrong, because I have a divinely-inspired certainty that I am in the right in my opinion’ (page 82). It was no doubt very pleasant to them to be assured, on such high authority, that their task as controversialists was so easy, as Catholics were so very irrational and so absurd, but it would have been much better to have told them the truth.

And, having disposed of the Catholic rule, to his own satisfaction, the Doctor proceeds to lay the axe to the root of the whole Roman system, addressing his learned audience thus: ‘I propose to lay before you such evidence as will show you that, whether there be anywhere an infallible church or not the Church of Rome certainly is not’ (page 169) And the ‘evidence’ is supplied by the following facts (?): — (1.) ‘Romish advocates seldom offer any proof’ of the infallibility of the Church; (2.) ‘The Church of Rome has shrunk with the greatest timidity from exercising this gift of Infallibility on any question, which had not already settled itself without her help’ (page 172); (3.) ‘The Church of Rome herself does not believe in the Infallibility which she claims’ (page 173).

Now, the first of these statements is so notoriously, so manifestly opposed to fact, that it is amazing how even Dr. Salmon could have made it. There is not a dogmatic theologian, from Bellarmine to Dr. Murray, who has written on the Church, that has not proved this very doctrine which Dr. Salmon says they ‘seldom’ attempt to prove at all! And they prove it, not in the illogical manner suggested by Dr. Salmon. They prove, first, that the Church of Christ is infallible, and then, by the application of the notes of the true Church, they prove that the Church of Christ is that one which Dr. Salmon calls the Church of Rome. The Doctor can misrepresent these arguments, but he cannot refute them. His second statement is, ‘The Church of Rome has shrunk with the greatest timidity,’ etc., and hence he infers she is not infallible, and she knows it. Here, again, we have a specimen of the Doctor’s consistency. He has frequently stated that the Church’s definitions are always new doctrines, and here he tells us that she ‘shrinks’ from defining anything that had ‘not already settled itself without her help.’ If the matter be doctrine before the definition, then, the definition does not impose a new doctrine.

But his logic is even worse than his consistency. His conclusion does not at all follow from his premises. The Apostles were individually infallible, and yet, in order to decide whether circumcision was, or was not necessary, they assembled a council at Jerusalem, and it was only after ‘much discussion’ that St. Peter delivered the infallible decision of the Apostolic body. Now, as the Apostles were individually infallible, each of them could have at once decided this question as it came before him, and without any discussion; yet they waited and discussed the matter fully in council. Will Dr. Salmon make their hesitation an argument against their infallibility, individually or collectively? His argument is as good against the Apostles as against the Church, and as bad against the Church as against the Apostles. The Church hesitates, therefore, she is fallible; the Apostles hesitated, therefore, they were fallible. If Dr. Salmon insists on the first, he must hold the second, and if the Apostles were fallible, as the Doctor’s logic proves, what is the worth to him of his rule of faith — the Bible? Simply nothing. This is the outcome of the Doctor’s logic.

Now, it is proved that the Church is infallible in her teaching, and the hesitations alleged by Dr. Salmon (even if all were granted) are no disproof of that doctrine, however they are to be explained. And the explanation is very easy. For surely it is not a charge against the Church, that in the exercise of her high office she exhibits the prudence and caution which the supernatural character of her work demands. If she had rushed headlong to a decision, had shown the simplicity of the dove without the prudence of the serpent, the Doctor would, no doubt, quote Scripture to condemn her; but that she is prudent and cautious in her decisions ought to be regarded as a proof that she has a due appreciation of the sacredness of her office and of the eternal interests at stake. The obligation of using due caution and prudence is implied in her commission, and she is always sure to comply with the obligation; but it is not a necessary condition of the truth of her teaching.

Whenever the Church defines, her teaching is infallibly true, whether the preparation be long or short. Her Founder’s promise secures her in her teaching, and insures also the prudence and the wisdom of her decisions. But Dr. Salmon has, as usual, completely misrepresented the action of the Church. Whenever the truths of faith that are necessary to be explicitly believed have been assailed, the Church has made no undue delay in vindicating them and in condemning their assailants. Arians, Eutychians, Monophysites, Monothelites, Lutherans, Jansenists have been condemned with the promptitude and decisiveness which the interests of souls demanded. But there have been in the Church domestic controversies regarding matters, not dogmas of faith necessary to be explicitly believed, in which, therefore, the interests of souls were not concerned, and in such cases the Church, under the guidance of the Holy Ghost, has awaited the acceptable time. The controversies to which Dr. Salmon refers are of this latter class. And even in such cases, when the controversy reaches a stage, in which the interests of souls require that a definitive judgment should be given, the Church speaks, and with no uncertain sound. And this prudence ought to be regarded, rather as a proof of the Church’s fidelity to her commission than as an argument against her; for  ‘verily the finger of God is here.’

But Dr. Salmon ‘will argue still.’ He says: ‘Let us examine by the evidence of facts whether the Church of Rome believes her own claim to infallibility’ (page 172); and after his wonted manner of examining he concludes (page 173) that she ‘does not believe’ her claim. Now, if she claim it without believing it she is a hypocrite; and, as this is a very grave charge, it should not be made without conclusive evidence to sustain it. But, before convicting her, Dr. Salmon offers some very interesting evidence to show that she does not claim it at all. And his witnesses are quite worthy of him. There is, first, a Mr. Seymour, author of a precious production called Mornings with the Jesuits, in which he relates for the admiration of enlightened Protestants how he bearded the Jesuits in their own stronghold at Rome. ‘He asked them for proof that the Church of Rome ever claimed infallibility’ (page 173), and then this veritable Baron Munchausen ‘described the consternation and perplexity into which the Jesuits were thrown by his assertion that the Trent decrees contained no claim to infallibility.’

And of this wonderful story, which seems at first to have staggered Dr. Salmon, he got full confirmation from his friend, Mr. Capes, who subsequently met in England ‘one of Mr. Seymour’s two antagonists . . . an excellent specimen of a well instructed Jesuit. . . . And he told Mr. Capes that it was quite true,’ etc. (page 174). Very likely! A well instructed Jesuit ignorant of the decrees of the Council of Trent! A well instructed Jesuit, or any Jesuit, not aware that to claim under penalty of anathema, the internal assent of the faithful to truths of faith, does not presuppose the infallibility of the claimant! Of course Messrs. Seymour and Capes gave no names or dates of this extraordinary occurrence. Such minutiae would be altogether out of place, and would only tend to defeat the ends of Mr. Seymour & Co.

But let us hear another of Dr. Salmon’s witnesses: Mr. Ffoulkes, who, like Mr. Capes, ‘made the journey to Rome and back, states that he was never asked to accept this doctrine when he joined the Church of Rome’ (page 174). Now, almost in the same breath, we are told by Mr. Ffoulkes
that he made the following profession: ‘Sanctam Catholicam et Apostolicam Romanam Ecclesiam, omnium Ecclesiarum matrem et magistram agnosco.’ Now, magistram is not a mistress who owns, but a mistress who teaches, as his dictionary would have told Mr. Ffoulkes. He himself, therefore, said, ‘when he joined the Church of Rome’: ‘I acknowledge the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Roman Church to be the mother and teacher of all Churches,’ the clearest possible profession of Infallibility. Therefore, from his own lips, we have it that he actually professed and proclaimed that identical doctrine which he says was never proposed to him at all! If Mr. Ffoulkes had given such evidence in a court of justice, the presiding judge would quickly cut him short by saying: ‘You may go down, sir.’ So much for Dr. Salmon’s witnesses.

The Doctor’s own theory is that, though Rome claims Infallibility now, she did not claim it till recently. ‘There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio, than are dreamt of in your philosophy.’ There are many other ways besides a formal definition in which the Church speaks her mind. She has not formally defined her infallibility; but she has always acted as one who cannot err. She has never tolerated any denial of her teaching. Whenever false doctrines appeared she condemned them; when the dogmas of faith were assailed she vindicated them, and condemned their assailants. ‘Acting is the test of belief,’ according to Dr. Salmon himself. In the First General Council the Church anathematized the doctrine of Arius, and excommunicated those who held it. In the Second Council she anathematized the doctrines of Macedonius, and excommunicated those who maintained them. She acted in like manner towards Nestorius and his followers at Ephesus, and towards Eutyches and his followers at Chalcedon; and so on, down along the chain of ecclesiastical history, we find the Church anathematizing heretics and heresies as they arise.

Dr. Salmon, who knows so much about the Council of Trent, does not need to be reminded of the very emphatic condemnation of the errors of Luther and his associates at that council; and his own memory enables him to see how closely the example of the earlier councils was followed by that of the Vatican. And, as this action of the teaching Church has been accepted by the body of the faithful, then, judging by Dr. Salmon’s own test: ‘Acting is the test of belief,’ the Church has always claimed to be infallible, and the faithful have always admitted her claim. What, then, becomes of the Doctor’s assertion that she neither claimed it nor believed it? The test which he himself has supplied proves his statement to be false.

But the Doctor’s ingenuity is not yet exhausted. ‘I may, however, say a few words now . . . about the disputes which have raged within the Roman communion for centuries . . . as to the organ of the Church’s infallibility. Does the gift reside in the Church diffusive, or only in its Head?’ (page 175). To assert the existence of a controversy on this question is a demonstration of the want of knowledge or want of sincerity of him who makes the assertion. The statement implies that one of the parties to the controversy denied the infallibility of the ‘Church diffusive.’ There was never any such controversy in the Catholic Church. Catholics hold, and have always held, as an article of faith, unanimously, that the Universal Church, the ‘Church diffusive,’ can never believe or profess any false doctrine. Again, ‘does the gift reside in a General Council, or in Pope and Council together?’ (page 175). There can be no General Council without the Pope, and we hold, and always have held, that a General Council, confirmed by the Pope, is infallible in its teaching; and Catholics, furthermore, hold unanimously that the teaching Church (that is, the bishops in union and in communion with their head) is infallible in its teaching. On these questions there never was a controversy in the Catholic Church, though Dr. Salmon told his students that it had ‘raged for centuries.’

So far, then, ‘the organ of the Church’s infallibility’ was well known, was fixed and certain, available to all, and sufficient to decide all religions controversies. Whether, moreover, the Pope, in his official capacity, was infallible was a subject of controversy, though the controversy was more theoretical than practical; but it has been settled by the infallible voice of the Ecclesia Docens, and there is controversy on it no more. This practical efficacy of the Catholic rule of faith is unintelligible to men like Dr. Salmon, whose Church has never decided, and never can decide, a religious controversy, being, as Mr. Capes truly said, ‘the very embodiment of the idea of Christian dissensions.’ And no wonder, since, if men are to think and decide for themselves in matters of faith, they will think for themselves, and each individual Christian becomes a rule of faith, but to himself only. . . .

As already stated, the Church has always exercised this authority, and it is necessarily included in her commission. The exclusion of apocryphal books from the Canon of Scripture is a conspicuous instance of the exercise of this authority. At the Council of Nicaea the writings of Arius, his letters to Alexander of Alexandria, and his Thalia, written against St. Athanasius, were condemned as heretical, and anathema to Arius became a watch-word of orthodoxy. Five of the bishops present refused to subscribe to the condemnation of Arias, and were deposed. Two of them, Eusebius of Nicomedia, and Theognis of Nicaea, repented, and wrote a joint letter to the Fathers, in which they condemned the errors attributed to Arius, but declared that they believed him innocent. This looks somewhat akin to the Jansenist distinction of ‘right’ and ‘fact’ with, however, this very important difference, that they did not ground their favourable opinion of Arius on any quibble about his condemned writings, but on sermons delivered by him in their own presence and on private letters to themselves.  It is evident that the Church claimed, in this case, to decide infallibly the sense of the writings of Arius, for it would be intolerable tyranny to sentence bishops to deposition and exile for refusing to assent to a declaration that may be false.

The writings of Nestorius were condemned at Ephesus; those of Eutyches were condemned at Chalcedon. The books of the Manichees were condemned by Leo I., and the errors of Pelagius by Innocent I. The ‘Three Chapters ’ were condemned at the Fifth General Council; and later on we find the same discipline enforced whenever the occasion for it arose. The condemnations of Gotteschalc, Berengarius, Jerome of Prague, Hass, Wickliff, are some of the many instances of the exercise of this authority. And as ‘acting is the test of belief,’ the Church, therefore, must have believed that the right to condemn heretical and bad books was included in her commission. . . .

He says: ‘In several doctrinal questions which have come before the Privy Council [his Ecclesia Docens], it was found to be easier by far to ascertain what the doctrine of the Church of England was, than whether the impeached clergyman had contravened it’ (page 222).

Is the Doctor serious? No one has been ever able to ascertain what the ‘doctrine’ of his Church of England is, and she herself is unable to say what it is. And no wonder: for, as long as she has to bear the incubus of the ‘individual Christian’ sitting in judgment on her, the doctrine is his, not hers; and hence it is that in all doctrinal controversies she very properly observes the most profound and edifying ‘religious silence.’ Will the Doctor say when she has broken this ‘silence’ by a plain unequivocal statement of her doctrine?

There have been controversies about ‘lights,’ ‘incense,’ ‘vestments,’ position at the altar, etc., matters of rubric, regulated by what may be called the bye-laws of Dr. Salmon’s Church. On such matters decisions have been sometimes given, though they have generally given little satisfaction, and have never been obeyed. A board of guardians can make bye-laws and enforce them quite as effectually. But when has Dr. Salmon’s Church decided a question of doctrine? Does Baptism confer, or not confer, regenerating grace? Rev. Mr. Gorham held that it did not; his bishop, Dr. Philpotts, held that it did. The Court of Arches agreed with the bishop, and condemned Mr. Gorham; but the Privy Council reversed the condemnation on the ground that the Church of England did not say, and, no doubt, did not know, whether Baptism did, or did not, give the grace of regeneration. And her ‘Irish Sister’ in this matter exhibits the ‘ingenious Catholicity,’ already pointed out, by giving her children their choice of three doctrines, each of which is incompatible with the other two.

Is marriage indissoluble? The Rev. Mr. Black says it is; and he has a large following who say that such is the doctrine of the Church of England. But his archbishop, and most of the bishops of his Church, hold the contradictory view, and issue licenses for the re-marriage of divorced persons. And his Church looks on, while her spiritual rulers, according to Dr. Lee, say practically: ‘Believe nothing and preach anything.’ [Eccl. Situation, p. 45] Is our Lord really and truly present in the Blessed Eucharist? Mr. Carter, Mr. Bennett, and Mr. Mackonochie say yes; Dean Farrar and Dr. Salmon say no. Each has a numerous following, and the Church looks on in helpless indifference. Are there real priests and a real sacrifice? The Ritualists, and some High Churchmen, like Dr. Gore and Dr. Moberly, say yes. Dr. Lightfoot said, however, that the Church ‘has no sacerdotal system;’ and Mr. Kensitt and his brother Protestants hold that every Christian is a priest, and Mr. Kensitt showed his sincerity by actually celebrating ‘the Lord’s Supper’ himself.

Again the Church looks on; she does not say, for she does not know, on which side is the true doctrine. And many other instances of this ‘religious silence’ could be here quoted. It is only necessary to mention the names of Bennett, Mackonochie, Purchas; to refer to the Essays and Reviews, the Athanasian Creed, or the controversy on Orders, to see how utterly powerless Dr. Salmon’s Church is to decide any dogmatic controversy, and how helpless is any attempt to find out her ‘doctrine.’ Let Dr. Salmon contrast the inaction of his Church regarding these controversies with the action of the Catholic Church in the Jansenist controversy alone, and if he is unable to see on which side ‘the finger of God’ is, he is past teaching. Whatever revealed doctrines Protestants hold they owe to the Catholic Church. Their own Church gives them nothing of her own but denials of Catholic doctrine, negations, that is, nothings. The Catholic Church, on the other hand, has spoken through all the ages of her existence with the same power, the same truth, the same definiteness, as on the first Pentecost. Her voice has never wavered; it is the voice of God, the infallible rule of faith, the infallible guide of conduct for all men and for all time.

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Photo credit: George Salmon, from Cassell’s universal portrait gallery: no later than 1895 [public domain / Wikimedia Commons]
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Summary: Jeremiah Murphy, D.D. made a devastating reply to anti-Catholic George Salmon’s rantings in a multi-part review in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record in 1901-1902.
March 15, 2023

Private Judgment, the Rule of Faith, and Dr. Salmon’s Weak Fallible Protestant “Church”: Subject to the Whims of Individuals; Church Fathers Misquoted

The book, The Infallibility of the Church (1888) by Anglican anti-Catholic polemicist George Salmon (1819-1904), may be one of the most extensive and detailed — as well as influential — critiques of the Catholic Church ever written. But, as usual with these sorts of works, it’s abominably argued and relentlessly ignorant and/or dishonest, as the critique below will amply demonstrate and document.
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The most influential and effective anti-Catholic Protestant polemicist today, “Dr” [???] James White, cites Salmon several times in his written materials, and regards his magnum opus as an “excellent” work. In a letter dated 2 November 1959, C. S. Lewis recommended the book to an inquirer who was “vexed” about papal infallibility. Russell P. Spittler, professor of New Testament at Fuller Theological Seminary, wrote that “From an evangelical standpoint,” the book “has been standard since first published in 1888” (Cults and Isms, Baker Book House, 1973, 117). Well-known Baptist apologist Edward James Carnell called it the “best answer to Roman Catholicism” in a 1959 book. I think we can safely say that it is widely admired among theological (as well as “emotional”) opponents of the Catholic Church.
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Prominent Protestant apologist Norman Geisler and his co-author Ralph MacKenzie triumphantly but falsely claim, in a major critique of Catholicism, Roman Catholics and Evangelicals: Agreements and Differences (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1995, 206-207, 459), that Salmon’s book has “never really been answered by the Catholic Church,” and call it the “classic refutation of papal infallibility,” which also offers “a penetrating critique of Newman’s theory.”
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Salmon’s tome, however, has been roundly refuted at least twice: first, by Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record (March / May / July / September / November 1901 and January / March 1902): a response (see the original sources) — which I’ve now transcribed almost in its totality — which was more than 73,000 words, or approximately 257 pages; secondly, by Bishop Basil Christopher Butler (1902-1986) in his book, The Church and Infallibility: A Reply to the Abridged ‘Salmon’ (1954, 230 pages). See all of these replies — and further ones that I make — listed under “George Salmon” on my Anti-Catholicism web page. But no Protestant can say that no Catholic has adequately addressed (and refuted) the egregious and ubiquitous errors in this pathetic book. And we’ll once again see how few (if any) Protestants dare to counter-reply to all these critiques.
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See other installments of this series:
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Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 1 [3-10-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 2 . . . In Which Dr. Salmon Accuses Cardinal Newman of Lying Through His Teeth in His Essay on Development, & Dr. Murphy Magnificently Defends Infallibility and Doctrinal Development Against Gross Caricature [3-12-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 3 . . . In Which Our Sophist-Critic Massively Misrepresents Cardinal Newman and Utterly Misunderstands the Distinction Between Implicit and Explicit Faith [3-12-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 4 . . . In Which Dr. Salmon Sadly Reveals Himself to be a Hyper-Rationalistic Pelagian Heretic, and Engages in Yet More Misrepresentation of Development of Doctrine and Cardinal Newman’s Statements and Positions [3-15-23]
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Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 6: The Innumerable Perils of Perspicuity of Scripture and Private Judgment [3-16-23]
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Vol. X: November 1901
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Dr. Salmon’s ‘Infallibility’ (Part 5)
Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy, D.D.
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[I have made a few paragraph breaks not found in the original. Citations in smaller font are instead indented, and all of Dr. Salmon’s words will be in blue.]
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‘There is nothing new,’ we are told, ‘under the sun;’ and certainly there is nothing in Dr. Salmon’s controversial lectures calculated to bring this old saying into doubt. He goes along the beaten path; he exhibits the old stock-in-trade of Protestant disputants; he repeats calumnies that have been a thousand times refuted; and all this with an air of confidence, with an assumption of learning, that are not warranted by his lectures. The Doctor seems to think that he is a champion specially raised up to battle with Rome, that in his lectures he is striking a decisive blow at the whole Roman system. When, in his first lecture, he was unfolding his general programme of attack on us, he said: ‘I hold that it is unworthy of any man who possesses knowledge to keep his knowledge to himself, and rejoice in his own enlightenment, without making any effort to bring others to share in his privileges’ (page 7).
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And after making this modest profession of superior knowledge, the Regius Professor pledges himself not ‘to shrink from a full and candid examination of the Roman claims’ (page 8). Dr. Salmon has not redeemed his pledge. He has misrepresented the Roman claims very grossly and very frequently, but he has not examined them — indeed, he seems to be incapable of examining them — and his pompous profession of superior knowledge is borne out only by puerile platitudes, which his students could have read for themselves in the leaflets that are scattered broadcast by the Church Mission agents, or could have heard from any ordinary street preacher. When such is the erudition displayed by the University Professor it is not difficult to gauge the knowledge which his students imbibe.

It is safe, however, to say that Rome shall survive such assailants. Here is a specimen of Dr. Salmon’s arguments against us, which will be at once recognised as an old acquaintance by anyone even slightly familiar with Protestant controversial literature — the argument in a circle, the vicious circle. He told his students that we can give no proof of the doctrine of Infallibility ‘without being guilty of the logical fallacy of arguing in a circle’ (page 53). ‘They say the Church is infallible because the Scriptures testify that she is so; and the Scriptures testify this because the Church infallibly declares that such is their meaning’ (page 54). In other words, according to Dr. Salmon, Catholics prove the Church by the Bible, and the Bible by the Church — a vicious circle, ‘a petitio principii in the most outrageous form’ (page 59). Now, if one of Dr. Salmon’s students were to ask him how Catholics proved the Church for the first hundred years of her existence, one would be curious to know what answer the Regius Professor would give.

The Church could not then be proved by the Bible, for the Bible was not in existence. The Church existed before the Bible; it was fully established and widely diffused, its claims were recognised, before the Bible, as we have it, came into existence. And, therefore, for that century, the Church was not proved by the Bible. Now, if the Church could be proved without the Bible for the first century of her life, why may not she be equally proved for the second century, and for the third, and for every century up to the present? If there has been an essential change in the mode of proof, will the Doctor say when the change was made, and by what authority. Again, if he were asked why Catholics should not be allowed to draw a logical conclusion from his own doctrine, what would he answer? He admits the Bible to be the inspired Word of God, infallibly true. If, then, the Infallibility of the Church be conclusively proved from the Bible, Dr. Salmon is bound to admit that doctrine, and he cannot take refuge in the allegation of a vicious circle to save himself from the logical consequences of his own teaching. Whether the Catholic proof of the Inspiration of Scripture be logical or illogical, Dr. Salmon holds the doctrine, and he is, therefore, bound to admit all that it certainly contains.

If the Bible prove[s]  the Church for Catholics Dr. Salmon is bound to admit it, no matter how Catholics prove the Bible. But there is no need of having recourse to an argumentum ad hominem to dispose of Dr. Salmon’s fallacy; and if his students had thus questioned him he could give no satisfactory answer. But there was no danger of his being put to the test — no risk of any awkward cross-examination. To Dr. Salmon’s students an attack on the Catholic Church was honey, and there was no fear of any scrutiny as to the logic in which the attack was conveyed. The Doctor and his students are in reality in a vicious circle, hemmed in by prejudices and self-interest; they have not the slightest intention of going out of it, and the Professor’s concern was to find some flimsy pretext for remaining within that circle. ‘Great efforts have,’ he says, ‘been made by Roman Catholic divines to clear their mode of procedure from the charge of logical fallacy, but in the nature of things such efforts must be hopeless’ (page 55).

That Dr. Salmon should be ignorant of what Catholic divines say on this matter is quite natural; but surely he ought to know something of what Protestant divines say regarding it. And he will find Palmer, one of his most respectable divines saying, in his treatise on the Church (vol. ii. page 63), that in our argument there is no fallacy at all; and as Palmer’s book is dedicated to the Protestant Archbishops of Canterbury and Armagh it may be taken as agreeable to Irish as well as to English Protestants. Mr. Palmer tells the divinity students at Oxford that there is no vicious circle in a process which Dr. Salmon tells the Trinity men is one ‘of a most outrageous form.’ Can it be that the arguments which the Oxford students would have scouted, are considered quite good enough for the alumni of the ‘silent sister’? The Doctor says, ‘Since this lecture was delivered a Roman Catholic Bishop (Clifford) has attempted . . .  to meet the difficulty here raised’ (page 55). One would fancy from this that Dr. Salmon was not aware of any answer to the ‘difficulty,’ before the attempt, attributed to Dr. Clifford.

This shows how little he knows of the subject on which he is lecturing. The alleged ‘difficulty’ was frequently answered; long before Dr. Salmon was born it was answered i[n] any ordinary treatise on the Church, and answered, too, just as it is by Dr. Clifford. And Dr. Salmon does not even attempt to meet that answer. He says of Dr. Clifford that ‘he brings out the infallibility of the Church as the result of a long line of argument.  The doctrine which is wanted for the foundation of the building is with him the coping-stone of the structure’ (page 57). Now what is the meaning or use of a good argument except to bring out, as a conclusion, the truth to be proved? If, instead of bringing out that truth, ‘as a result of a long line of argument,’ Dr. Clifford had laid it down as ‘a foundation,’ then there would have been room for Dr. Salmon’s declamation. But to censure him for proving his doctrine instead of taking it for granted is simple nonsense; and Dr. Salmon must have thought his students fools when he made such a ridiculous statement to them.

The answer given by Dr. Clifford to the imaginary difficulty is merely a repetition of what Catholic theologians have frequently said, and it is quite sufficient for its purpose. The New Testament is used as historical evidence to show, as other historical documents also show, that our Lord lived on earth for a time; that He declared Himself to be the Son of God, and justified His declaration by extraordinary signs; that He established a religious society of a certain character, and for a certain end; that He commissioned a certain number of men to continue after His own death the work of the society so established. And this historical fact, established by the New Testament, is confirmed by the writings of early fathers, and by some pagan writers also.

Now, from this fact, thus historically established, we infer that, since Christ was God, and founded a Church for a certain purpose,— to teach truth— and since He sent men to carry out this purpose, He would not have allowed them, in the execution of their work, to depart from the plan which He had laid down. They must continue to teach the truth. In other words, the Divine authority of the Church follows immediately from the fact, historically established, that a Divine Person founded the Church, with a certain character, and for a definite purpose. Historical evidence of this fact is given by the New Testament as well as by other writings. Now, the value of the New Testament as a historical record is not taken from the Church. Its reliability as a history is calculated in the same way as that of Livy or Tacitus. The Church is proved on the historical authority of the New Testament, but the historical authority of the New Testament is not proved from the Church, and, therefore, there is no vicious circle.

But whilst the New Testament has the character of an historical record, it has also the much higher character of an inspired record. The historical character is altogether independent of the inspiration. It neither presupposes nor involves inspiration, and the inspiration, which can only be proved from the Church, is not taken into account at all in proving the Church itself. Therefore there is no trace of a vicious circle in the process of proof. And Dr. Salmon himself seems to feel this, for he does not even attempt to examine the argument. He says: ‘But this is not the time to examine the goodness of Bishop Clifford’s argument; that will come under discussion at a later stage’ (page 57). It would seem to be just the time to examine it when he introduced it. But for reasons that are quite intelligible he deferred the matter, promising that it would ‘come under discussion’ later on; but he conveniently forgot his promise, and it does not ‘come on for discussion.’ We hear no more of it in the lectures.

Now, though this is a more than sufficient answer to Dr. Salmon’s clumsy quibble, it is not our only one, nor our principal one. The argument of the first century is valid still in favour of the unchanged and unchangeable Church of God. She did not appeal to the New Testament then to prove her authority; she need not appeal to it now. And she would have been all that she is even though a line of it had not been written. Incessu patuit Dea is true of her. She bears on her brow the marks of her Divine origin. She exhibits her Divine commission to teach the nations as conspicuously now, and as unmistakably, as she did in the days of the Apostles; and on that ground she claims to be heard and obeyed. And Dr. Salmon cannot be ignorant of this claim of hers, for he gives it in his Appendix amongst the Acts of the Vatican Council. ‘Nay, more, the Church herself, because of her wonderful propagation, her extraordinary sanctity, her inexhaustible richness in all good things, her Catholic unity, and her indomitable strength, supplies a great and unfailing motive of credibility, and an indisputable proof of her Divine mission.’ This is the Church’s argument in her own words. She is her own argument, her own witness, and she needs no other.

From the day of her institution the devil and the world conspired to overthrow her. Not content with crucifying her Founder, the Jews persecuted the Apostles and first Christians, and banished them away, only to carry the knowledge of saving faith to other nations. Persecutions the most cruel known to human history raged against the Church for nearly three centuries, and Christian blood was shed like rain, but it became the seed of Christianity. The heroism of Christian martyrs, the sanctity of their lives, their love even for their enemies, confounded and bewildered the pagan world, and was a standing and convincing argument of the truth and power of the Christian faith. And before that power Paganism fell back defeated, and its expiring cry was that of Julian the Apostate: ‘Galilean, thou hast conquered.’ The extraordinary spread of the Christian faith in the face of such difficulties, its absolute unity notwithstanding its wide diffusion, its sanctifying influence on the lives of those who embraced it, its victories over all that earth and hell could raise up against it; — this was the argument of the early Church which made even pagans to feel like the magicians before Pharaoh. ‘Verily the finger of God is here.’

And this is the great argument of the Church today, as Dr. Salmon must know, for he gives it in his book. And where does he find in it any grounds for his ridiculous charge of vicious circle — proving the Church from the Bible, and the Bible from the Church? He knew well that his silly charge is groundless, and hence it is that instead of ‘a full and candid examination of the Roman claims,’ he gives his students a ridiculous caricature. He panders to their prejudices, deepens their ignorance instead of removing it, and he sends out his militant theologians to assail us in absolute ignorance of our lines of attack or defence. Here is his version to his theologians of ‘the Roman claims’ given in an imaginary dialogue between himself and the Pope. ‘ “You must believe everything I say,” demands the Pope. “Why should we ?” we inquire. “Well, perhaps I cannot give you any quite convincing reason; but just try it. If you trust me with doubt or hesitation, I make no promise; but if you really believe everything I say, you will find — that you will believe everything I say’ ” (page 59). And so this is the outcome of the full and candid examination of the Roman claims; this is Protestant divinity as taught in Trinity College, and by its Regius Professor; this is the theological training of those who are expected to pull down Roman domination in Ireland! The task should be an easy one if their Professor be correct. But time will tell them.

Any one who reads Dr. Salmon’s book, will not be surprised at the extravagance of anything he says against Catholics; but no one can cease to be surprised, and amazed, that, even he should exhibit on a serious subject such levity and such folly; should make such ridiculous statements in presence of any body of young men who have come to the age of understanding. If Dr. Salmon would only set before his young men one genuine Papal document— say the Bull Ineffabilis of Pius IX., the Encyclical on the Scriptures of Leo XIII., or the chapter De Justificatione impii of the Council of Trent — and let them analyze it, they would soon learn to discount their Professor’s version of Papal documents, and learn also the nature of the work before them in the ‘controversy with Rome’ much more accurately than from all the rhetoric of their Professor. Or, if they require mental exercise to prepare them for their assault on us, let them take the argument of the Vatican Council, given above, as the ground of the ‘Roman claims.’

And that argument has a sequel which is respectfully submitted for Dr. Salmon’s consideration. It is this: When the persecuted Church emerged from the catacombs to take possession of the throne of the Caesars, she found the world as dangerous a friend as it had been a dangerous and determined enemy. Kings soon began to fight for her treasures; worldliness crept in amongst her children; schismatics sought to rend her asunder, heretics sought to poison the source of her life. But the spirit of her Founder animated her; His strength sustained her; His promise was the guarantee of her triumph. She cast out both heretics and schismatics, branded with her anathema. As she conquered Roman Caesars, so, too, has she conquered German emperors and French and English kings. She has baffled infidel philosophers and impious statesmen. Of her was it said; ‘The hand that will smite her shall perish,’ and the saying has been verified in every age of her history. The enemies of her youth have passed away, and of many of them scarcely a trace remains in history. A like fate awaits those who now seek to mar her work. Amid all the changes that time is bringing she alone remains unchanged — the same in truth, in sanctity, and in strength as she was in the days of her Founder, as she has been in the days of her suffering, and as she is certain to be when Antichrist shall come to test her fidelity. What Tertullian said of her in his day is true also in ours: —

She asks no favour, because she is not surprised at her own condition. She knows that she is a pilgrim on earth, that she shall easily find enemies amongst strangers, but as her origin, so, too, her home, her hope, her reward, her dignity, are in heaven. Meanwhile she earnestly desires one thing — that she should not be condemned without being known. [Apol., ci:, n. 2]

And this one reasonable request, Dr. Salmon denies her. He is teaching his students to condemn her without telling them what she is. This is his way of examining the validity of ‘the Roman claims.’

Now, as Dr. Salmon knows so much about our shortcomings, it may be well to ask him to set his own house in order. As he has shown, presumably to his own satisfaction, that we are involved in an inextricable labyrinth by our effort to prove Church from Bible, and Bible from Church, it may be time to ask him how he proves either Church or Bible. He has devoted two long lectures to an attack on the Catholic rule of faith, as explained by Dr. Milner. Has he any rule of his own, and is it quite invulnerable? And as it is quite possible that these questions may, some time or other, be put to his theologians, it would have been good strategy on his part, and a most important portion of their training, to have provided them, if possible, with a satisfactory answer. And as to the Church, Dr. Salmon seems to have one, and only one, fixed conviction — that she is fallible. Dislike of Infallibility seems to be his predominant passion. His whole book is designed to justify and to gratify that ruling sentiment of his mind.

He seems so anxious to vindicate for himself and for others the liberty to go astray; he is so jealous of that privilege that the idea of Infallibility is intolerable to him, or in fact any assurance in religious truth, above ‘that homely kind of certainty which suffices to govern our practical decisions in all the most important affairs of life’ (page 73). In fact he seems to have a lurking dislike even of that certainty also, for he says ‘that the more people talk of this certainty the less they really have’ (page 76). Now, as Dr. Salmon maintains that Infallibility is a doctrine of ‘cardinal importance,’ one would expect that, as he felt its importance, this Protestant Regius Professor would have made himself acquainted with what other Protestant divines say on the subject; and would have communicated that knowledge to his juvenile theologians. He could hardly be so emphatic in his condemnation of Infallibility if he were aware that a very large number of his brother theologians are equally emphatic in maintaining that doctrine. This is another proof that the Regius Professor knows as little of his own theology (if the expression be allowable) as he does of our theology.

Field, an ultra-Protestant, in his book on the Church says, when speaking of the Universal Church: — ‘So that touching the Church taken in this sense there is no question, but it is absolutely led into all truth without any mixture of ignorance, error, or danger of being deceived [Book iv. c. 2]. Bramhall says: — ‘ She (the Catholic Church) cannot err universally in anything that is necessary to salvation nor with obstinacy,’ [Works, vol. ii, p. 82] and he repeats this at page 334 of the same volume. Bishop Bull in the preface to his Defence of the Nicene Creed, in speaking of our Lord’s Divinity, says: —

If in this question of the greatest importance we admit that all the rulers of the Church fell into error, and persuaded the Christians to accept that error, how shall we be sure of the fidelity of our Lord to His promise, that He would be with the Apostles, and, therefore, with their successors even to the end of the world. For since the promise extends to the end of the world, and the Apostles were not to live so long, Christ must have addressed, in the persons of His Apostles, their successors, who were to fill that office (s. 2).

Tillotson holds this doctrine in his forty-ninth sermon. Even Chillingworth, in his Conference with Lewgar, is pre- pared to admit it. Palmer says of the decision of the Universal Church: ‘I maintain that such a judgment is irrevocable, irreformable, never to be altered.’ [Church, vol. ii, p. 86] And he adds: ‘I believe that scarcely any Christian writer can be found who has ventured actually to maintain that the judgment of the Universal Church, freely and deliberately given, . . . might in fact be heretical and contrary to the Gospel’ (page 93). Dr. Salmon had not written then, but the statement is rather severe on him. Now these are all standard Protestant theologians, and Dr. Salmon might be expected to know what they hold on a question of such importance. But it must be said for him that he is more true to the spirit of Protestantism than they are. They maintain the infallibility of an imaginary Church — a doctrine which can never be tested — whilst Dr. Salmon maintains the fallibility of all Churches, as becomes the loyal son of a Church which proclaims, and has repeatedly and most conclusively proved, her own fallibility. Dr. Salmon has, in fact, placed his own orthodoxy as a Protestant above all suspicion by insisting so strongly on this cardinal doctrine of his Church — her own fallibility.

There is just one thing remaining for him to do, in order to convince the most sceptical of the sincerity of his belief in this fundamental article of his Church — that is, to abandon her. Let him leave her and no one can question his belief in her fallibility. The Doctor has probably subscribed to the Articles, and the 20th Article declares ‘the Church hath . . . authority in controversies of faith, yet it is not lawful for the Church to ordain anything that is contrary to God’s written word . . .  so besides the same ought it not to enforce anything to be believed for necessity of salvation.’ Now, though this Article opens with a declaration of Church authority, it proceeds at once to limit that authority, or rather more correctly to eliminate it altogether. The language clearly admits it as possible, that the Church may decree something not found in Scripture, and may enforce that as necessary to salvation. Since then the case is possible, and since, moreover, the 6th Article distinctly recognises the right of the individual to oppose such dictation, to refuse submission to it, who is to decide when the case occurs?

As the authority of the Church is limited there must be some tribunal to decide whether she has gone beyond her proper sphere, and, if so, how far. If the God-given right of the individual be invaded, there must be some tribunal to which he can appeal to protect his right of private judgment. Dr. Harold Brown in his book on the Thirty-nine Articles gives a very long and elaborate proof of Church authority. In fact he goes to the full extent of Infallibility, for be says: ‘Now if the Church has no power to determine what is true and what is false, such authority would be a dead letter, and the Apostle’s injunction would be in vain’ (page 477). He admits, however, later on, that her authority is not supreme, and he compares it to that of a judge in a law court (page 478). But in the case of the judge there remains a court of final appeal: — the king can do no wrong. But what is the appeal in the case of a conflict between the individual and the Church? It cannot be the Scripture, for that is dumb; and the controversy is about its meaning. At page 480 he gives, with approval, a quotation from Archbishop Sharp, which is a complete surrender of Church authority.

The substance of it is, that the individual is advised to submit for decorum sake. He ought to submit. Yes, certainly, if the Church have real authority; but certainly not, if her authority be the phantom laid down in the 20th Article. Mr. Palmer, in his treatise on the Church (vol. ii., page 72, 3rd ed.), maintains from a somewhat High Church point of view, that the Church is ‘divinely authorised to judge in questions of religious controversy, that is to determine whether a disputed doctrine is or is not a part of revelation.’ And his very first argument for this authority is certainly an amusing one. ‘It is admitted,’ he says, ‘by all the opponents of Church authority who believe in revelation, that individual Christians are authorised by God to judge what are the doctrines of the Gospel. Therefore, as a necessary consequence, many or all Christians, i.e., the Church collectively, must have the same right’ (page 72).

Now, if the Church have the right of judging as well as the individual, the individual has it as well as the Church, and neither can be deprived of it by the other, since by the supposition both have it equally from God. Therefore there is a standstill — a theological deadlock. The Low Church theory is a bad one; the High Church is much worse. But it will be seen that Dr. Salmon explains the 20th Article in such a way as to relieve it of all inconvenient assumption of authority, and to remove completely from the minds of his militant theologians the nightmare of Church dictation. He adopts the formula of Dr. Hawkins: ‘The Church to teach, the Bible to prove.’ After a dissertation on the way in which secular knowledge is acquired, taken, too, almost verbatim, and, of course, without acknowledgment, from Dr. Whately, he says: —

There need be no difficulty in coming to an agreement that the divinely-appointed methods for man’s acquirement of secular and of religious knowledge are not so very dissimilar. . . . We do not imagine that God meant each man to learn his religion from the Bible without getting help from anybody else. We freely confess that we need not only the Bible, but human instruction in it. . . . In the institution of His Church Christ has provided for the instruction of those who, either from youth or lack of time, or of knowledge, might be unable or unlikely to study His Word for themselves. (Page 113.)

This clearly implies that those who have time, and are learned, and able to study for themselves, like Dr. Salmon, can dispense with the Church. This is so far well. Dr. Salmon then proceeds to notice some difficulties raised by Catholics against his theory, and he repeats that God has anticipated this by the

Institution of His Church, whose special duty it is to preserve His truth and proclaim it to the world. I need scarcely say how well this duty has been performed. . . . Ever since the Church was founded the work she has done in upholding the truth has been such that the world’s ‘pillar and ground of truth’ are not too strong to express the services she has rendered. (Page 114.)

It is certainly a high tribute to the judgment of St. Paul, who applied these words to the Church, to say that they ‘are not too strong.’ But Dr. Salmon’s panegyric on the services done by the Church comes to a rather awkward climax. He says : —

When every concession to the authority of the Church and to the services she has rendered has been made, we come very far short of teaching her infallibility. A town-clock is of excellent use in publioly making known with authority the correct time — making it known to many who, perhaps at no time, and certainly not at all times, would find it convenient, or even possible, to verify its correctness for themselves. And yet it is clear that one who maintained the great desirability of having such a dock, and believed it to be of great use in the neighbourhood, would not be in the least inconsistent if he also maintained that it was possible for the clock to go astray, and if on that account he inculcated the necessity of frequently comparing it with and regulating it by the dial which receives its light from heaven. And if we desired to remove an error which had accumulated during a long season of neglect, it would be very unfair to represent us as wishing to silence the clock, or else as wishing to allow any townsman to get up and push the hands back or forward as he pleased. (Pages 115, 116.)

And so this is the character of the Church’s services after all! And for these she deserves to be called the pillar and the ground of truth! And after our Lord’s promise to be with her ‘all days even to the consummation of the world,’ to send her the spirit of truth, to teach all things, and to abide with her for ever, after all the promises of supernatural gifts and endowments, and guidance and protection, and in the face of her extraordinary history, she is just as useful, just as infallible as a town-clock — neither more nor less, according to the Regius Professor of Trinity! What an exalted idea of the Church’s work and office his students must have carried away from his lectures! How they must have felt that she is worth fighting for! How they must have felt that their professor was the one man duly qualified to care [for] this town-clock Church, ‘to get up and push the hands back or forward as he pleased.’

Really the words ‘pillar and ground of truth’ are not too strong to be applied to Dr. Salmon himself. He is indeed a theologian of rare endowments, and of extensive knowledge — a genuine offspring of town-clock infallibility! And with a monopoly of that infallibility, he, of course, denounces any other, and regards us as in a state of intellectual paralysis, owing to our belief in the Infallibility of God’s Church. ‘We can see,’ he says, ‘what a benumbing effect the doctrine of Infallibility has on the intellects of Roman Catholics, by the absence at present of religious disputes in their Communion’ (page 106). This is one of Dr. Salmon’s most sapient observations, and it must have carried conviction to his students. We are not fighting about our articles of faith, owing to our belief in the Infallibility of the Church. Therefore we ought to renounce that belief in order to enjoy the privilege of fighting, and thus to have ourselves ‘braced and strengthened for the conflict.’ As Dr. Salmon’s students probably agree in nothing except in their hatred of the Catholic Church, they enjoy the privilege of fighting to their heart’s content, and must, therefore, be well ‘braced and strengthened for the conflict’ with us. When, however, that conflict comes, they shall find it no sham-battle, they shall find town-dock infallibility a very poor protection then.

Now, one would fancy that after Dr. Salmon’s very accurate and striking analysis of Church authority, his students would have been satisfied that their Church could not impose on them any very trying doctrinal burthens; but in order, if possible, to comfort them still more, he sums up her teaching authority as follows: —

In sum then I maintain that it is the office of the Church to teach; but that it is her duty to do so, not by making assertion merely, but by offering proof, and again, that while it is the duty of the individual Christian to receive with deference the teaching of the Church, it is his duty also not listlessly to acquiesce in her statements, but to satisfy himself of the validity of her proofs. (Page 116.)

Whatever, therefore, the Articles say about Church authority in controversies of faith, Dr. Salmon holds that the individual is the supreme judge. The Church is to teach, ‘not by making assertions, but by offering proof,’ and the individual is to satisfy himself, that is to judge for himself, the validity of her proofs. He ought, no doubt, ‘to receive with deference the teaching of the Church’ — this is only common politeness — but he himself is to judge the validity of the proofs, and consequently the truth or falsehood of the doctrine grounded on the proofs. ‘Our Church,’ he says, ‘accepts the obligation to give proof of her assertions, and she declares that Scripture is the source whence she draws her proofs’ (page 127), and she accepts also the obligation of having the validity of her proofs tested and judged by the ‘individual Christian.’ The individual, therefore, teaches the Church instead of the Church teaching him; he corrects her errors, he is the supreme judge in controversies of faith, and so unnecessary, so useless is the Church in Dr. Salmon’s theory, that even the parallel with the town-clock is complimentary to her. Such, then, is the Church according to Dr. Salmon’s theology.

Now, what is his estimate of the Bible? What is its place and its value in his teaching? According to the 6th and 20th Articles combined the Scriptures contain all that is necessary to be believed, and the Church is limited, both for doctrine and proof, to the Scripture. ‘The Church to teach, the Bible to prove,’ is Dr. Salmon’s own favourite formula. Now, since the Church must take her teaching and her proof from the Bible, and from it alone, and since according to Dr. Salmon the ‘individual Christian’ is the supreme judge of proof, and consequently of the doctrine to be accepted or rejected, it follows that the Bible, and the Bible only, and that too interpreted by each ‘individual Christian’ for himself, is the sum total of Dr. Salmon’s theology: his rule of faith. And the sum of his teaching is, that if his young controversialists go out equipped with this, the fortress of Roman Infallibility in Ireland must surrender soon. He notices some difficulties raised by Catholics against his rule, such as the want of Bibles in the early Church, the difficulty of circulating them before the invention of printing, the number of person unable to read or to understand the Bible; but he maintains that these difficulties do not affect the Protestant position by any means, because God has anticipated them by the institution of His Church as a Teacher; and because, moreover, ‘We do not imagine,’ he says, ‘that God meant each man to learn his religion from the Bible without getting help from anybody else’ (page 113).

Now here is a complete abandonment of the Doctor’s position. By his very striking and appropriate parallel with the town-clock, he has disposed of the Church as an authority, and in maintaining that it is the duty of the ‘individual Christian’ to sit in judgment on the Church, and to verify for himself her proofs and her teaching, he has completely shut out every other ‘individual Christian’ from any right of interfering in the process of verification. If it be the right and duty of the individual, as Dr. Salmon says it is, to sit in judgment on the teaching of the Church, which comprises a multitude of individuals, it must be still more his right and his duty to sit in judgment on any individual of the multitude, who may undertake to enlighten him. And if it be his duty, as it clearly is, to verify the teaching of the individual as well as of the Church, then he no more needs the individual than he needs the Church. And thus Dr. Salmon is brought back to his own theory, stripped of all its adjuncts — the Bible, and the Bible only, and that, too, interpreted by each one for himself.

Dr. Salmon has a special lecture on the Rule of Faith, and after some preliminary remarks irrelevant to the subject, he says: ‘However, I have thought it the simplest plan to avoid all cavil as to the use of the phrase, “rule of faith” and merely to state the question of fact we have got to determine: Is there besides the Scripture any trustworthy source of information as to the teaching of our Lord and His Apostles?’ (page 140). This innocent man is so anxious ‘to avoid all cavil’ and to be brief and plain; and hence he begins by laying it down as an indisputable fact that Scripture is an authority. Besides his desire ‘to avoid cavil’ perhaps he may be anxious also to avoid the awkward question: How does he know what Scripture is, and what on his principles is the character of its authority? For him, however, there is no evading these questions, though his anxiety to evade them is quite intelligible.

And, moreover, he has not stated at all ‘the question of fact we have got to determine,’ for we need an interpreter of Tradition quite as much as of Scripture, and hence the real vital question of fact is: Is there any divinely-appointed guide to tell us with a certainty sufficient for faith what Scripture and Tradition contain? That guide, according to Dr. Salmon, is the Bible alone, interpreted by each individual for himself. This is the sum of his theology. ‘The Church to teach, the Bible to prove’ and the individual to satisfy himself of the validity of the proofs; that is, the individual is to see for himself whether the Church’s teaching is really contained in the Bible to which she appeals. The individual, therefore, is supreme, and this is the fatal crux for the town-clock Church. And here again Dr. Salmon seems to be quite unconscious of the fact that a number of Protestant divines of high standing emphatically and explicitly reject and condemn his teaching. Mr. Palmer, already quoted, says of it: —

The divisions of modern sects afford a strong argument for the necessity of submission to the judgment of the universal Church: for surely it is impossible that Christ could have designed His disciples to break into a hundred different sects, contending with each other on every doctrine of religion. It is impossible, I say, that this system of endless division can be Christian. It cannot but be the result of some deep-rooted, some universal error, some radically false principle which is common to all these sects. And what principle do they hold in common except the right of each individual to oppose his judgment to that of all the Church. This principle, than, must be utterly false and unfounded. [Church, vol. ii, p. 85]

The whole body of High Church theologians reject Dr. Salmon’s teaching, and to the Ritualists it is simply an abomination. There is another school of Protestant divines, numerous and aggressive, who agree with Dr. Salmon in rejecting the infallibility of every Church, but who, with characteristic modesty, claim what is tantamount to personal infallibility for each of themselves. They hold that when they come in sincerity to search the Scripture, and when they pray for light and guidance, they are assisted by the Holy Spirit in their search for truth, and are enabled infallibly to find it. Indeed Dr. Salmon himself seem to lean towards this view, for he speaks of texts of Scripture (though he does not quote them) ‘which give us,’ he says, ‘reason to believe that he who studies it in prayer, for the Holy Spirit’s guidance, will find in its pages all things necessary for his salvation’ (page 132). In this view each one is his own Pope. Dean Farrar says: ‘The Bible is amply sufficient for our instruction in all those truths which are necessary to salvation. . . . The lessons contained in Scripture, with the co-ordinate help of the Spirit by whom its writers were moved to aid us in this discrimination, are an infallible guide to us in things necessary.’  [The Bible: its Meaning and Supremacy, p. 13]

That all these conflicting views on so vital a matter are freely maintained by Protestant divines, is conclusive proof of the comprehensive character of their Church. And Dr. Salmon, if he knew them, should have set them before his young controversialists that they may the better appreciate the privileges of Protestantism, and feel comforted by the conviction that in attacking Catholic doctrines they were not to be encumbered by any definite convictions of their own. Now, all those whose views have been quoted subscribe to the Article which declares that ‘the Church hath authority in controversies of faith,’ and they show their respect for that authority by sitting in judgment on the Church, and declining to accept her teaching till they shall have satisfied themselves as to its Scriptural character. The Low Church Protestant claims the right to sit in judgment on Church and Bible both; the High Churchman sits in judgment on Church and Bible, Fathers and Councils. Either claim is a rather liberal assumption of authority, especially having regard to the grounds on which the claim is made. The votaries of private judgment, who claim the guidance of the Holy Ghost in their search for truth, stand, if their claim be well founded, on much higher ground.

But then one’s confidence in their claim is rudely shattered by the notorious fact that under the alleged guidance they arrive at contradictory conclusions on the most vital doctrines of Christianity. The Catholic Church claims to be guided by the Holy Spirit in her teaching, and it is at least a circumstance in her favour that she has never contradicted herself — never yet unsaid anything she once taught; but the Protestants who claim the same guidance are eternally contradicting one another, changing their creeds almost as often as they change their clothes. Dr. Salmon, too, accepts the 20th Article, but from his own words it is clear that the teaching authority of the Church is not high in his estimation. As already stated, the Bible, and the Bible only, and that, too, interpreted by each one for himself, is Dr. Salmon’s sole and sufficient rule of faith. Now, it must be that he feels this rule itself is not to be found in Scripture, when he appeals to Tradition to prove it.

Let us test the value of his proof. ‘There is,’ he says, ‘a clear and full Tradition to prove that the Scriptures are a full and perfect rule of faith, and that what is outside of them need not be regarded. To go into details of the proof would scarcely be suitable to a viva voce lecture . . .  I will, therefore, refer you to the second part of Taylor’s Dissuasive,’ etc. (page 143). Now, thus to evade the proof of a statement so much disputed, so vehemently denied, is not fair to his young controversialists; it leaves a serious defect in their training. But even though Dr. Salmon’s assertion were as true as it is untrue, all the difficulties of his position remain in full force. Whether the Bible contains the whole word of God, or only part of it, the whole difficulty of the interpretation remains.

How can an ordinary Protestant, or even an extraordinary one like Dr. Salmon, find in that Bible, by his own private judgment, and with a certainty sufficient for faith, the full body of doctrine which he is bound to know and to believe? How can he establish the divine authority, the inspiration of Scripture? Is he quite certain that God has not established an interpreter of His word which men are bound, on very serious penalties, to hear and to obey? All these difficulties, and many more, remain in full force, whether the Scriptures contain all or only part of God’s revelation. And Dr. Salmon has not met them, and on his principle he cannot meet them. Instead of giving a proof of his assertion, Dr. Salmon says :

I merely give you as a sample, the following from St. Basil: — ‘Without doubt it is a most manifest fall from faith and a most certain sign of pride to introduce anything that is not written in the Scriptures, . . . and to detract from Scripture, or to add anything to the faith that is not there, is most manifestly forbidden by the Apostle, saying: Yet he had a man’s testament; no man added thereto.’ (Page 143.)

He gives, later on, a quotation from St. Cyprian. He quotes these two fathers, ‘an Eastern and a Western witness,’ to show that there is a clear tradition that the Scriptures are a full and perfect rule of faith, and that they contain the whole word of God. Now, in speaking of the fathers, Dr. Salmon says: ‘I suppose there is not one of them to whose opinion on all points we should like to pledge ourselves’ (page 124); and again: ‘Not one of the fathers is recognised as singly a trustworthy guide’ (page 131); and again: ‘Such a list [of fathers], imposing as it may appear to the unlearned, is only glanced at with contempt by one who understands the subject’ (page 402). Now, when Dr. Salmon speaks in such a manner of the authority of fathers, individually and collectively, how can he rely on two of them as establishing a tradition against Catholic doctrine? Surely, if he feels at liberty to ‘glance with contempt’ at a whole ‘list’ of fathers, be cannot expect us to bow unhesitatingly to the alleged authority of two of the number.

And, even though St. Basil and St. Cyprian had said what Dr. Salmon attributes to them, his rule of faith would receive no strength from their statements. For there is still the difficulty of finding out the full profession of faith out of Scripture, even though it were a full, complete record of God’s Word. The vital question is: ‘Is there a divinely-commissioned interpreter of God’s Word wherever that Word is contained?’ and the quotations from St. Basil and St. Cyprian leave the question untouched. But the saints named do not maintain it at all; they explicitly contradict the doctrine attributed to them by Dr. Salmon. St. Basil is quoted as teaching that the ‘Scriptures are a full and perfect rule of faith . . . and that what is outside of them need not be regarded.’ Now, compare this statement with St. Basil’s own words. In his book, De Spiritu Sancto, c. 27, he says: —

Of the truths and ordinances that are preached in the Church, there are some which we have handed down to us in written doctrine, and some also which we have from the tradition of the Apostles . . . and both contribute equally to piety, neither does anyone contradict these [Traditions] who has even the slightest knowledge of the Church’s claims.

The language of the Council of Trent accepting Scripture and Tradition with equal veneration (pari pietatis affectu) is almost a transcript of St. Basil’s words ‘parem vim habent ad pietatem’ [“They have equal power for piety”]. St. Basil then gives several instances of the influence of Tradition on the faith and discipline of the Church, and concludes thus: ‘The day would fail me if I were to recount the unwritten mysteries of the Church. I pass by others. The very confession of faith in the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, from what written documents have we it? ’

Again in chapter 29, De Spiritu Sancto, in answer to an objection that his way of saying the Doxology (‘cum spiritu’) was not to be found in Scripture, he says : —

If nothing else has been received without Scripture authority, let not this either be received, but if we have already received many mysteries without Scripture testimony, let us receive this also with the rest. For I hold it an apostolic precept to hold to unwritten traditions. . . .  If I should stand before a tribunal bereft of proof from the written law, and if I should produce before you many witnesses of any innocence, would I not obtain from you a verdict of acquittal. . . . For the ancient dogmas are to be venerated, since from their antiquity, their grey old age, they have a claim to veneration.

It would be impossible for St. Basil to use clearer or stronger language than this in repudiating the teaching attributed to him by Dr. Salmon. St. Basil does not believe that ‘the Scriptures are a full and perfect rule of faith, and that they contain all God’s Word,’ for he asserts that we believe mysteries that are not in Scripture — that have come to us by Tradition; and he holds that Tradition has as much influence as Scripture in guiding us in God’s service — parem vim habent ad pietatem. And he pays a very poor compliment to men like Dr. Salmon who deny this teaching; they have not, he says, the merest knowledge of the Church’s claims. But then, what is to be said of the text quoted by Dr. Salmon? This is to be said of it — that he neither quotes it fairly, nor translates it correctly.

It is taken from St. Basil’s letter, or sermon, De Vera Fide, which appears to have been written at the request of some persons (probably some of his monks), who asked him for a plain statement of some most important doctrines. After some hesitation he consents to give a plain simple statement of what he found in Scripture. He tells them that on other occasions, when defending the faith against heretics, he has gone outside Scripture for arguments as the occasion required. ‘But this time,’ he says, ‘I think I shall be acting more in accordance with your express wish, and with my own, if I do in simplicity what your Christian charity has imposed on me, and say what I myself have got from the Sacred Scriptures.’ This leads on to the passage which Dr. Salmon has so cleverly manipulated. Again St. Basil repeats his resolution to confine himself to Scripture, and he gives his reason as before stated — that he is giving a simple instruction to those who believe. He then gives a profession of faith, substantially the same as the Nicene Creed, and he concludes by saying that he has written this in accordance with their wish, and as a reply also to some calumnies that embittered the closing years of his life. Because of his kindness and charity to some men of questionable orthodoxy, he himself was suspected of heresies which his soul abhorred.

He was friendly with men who perverted the Scriptures, and rejected vital doctrines of Christianity, and his enemies represented him as sharing in the errors of his friends, and hence this allusion to his calumniators with which this short treatise concludes. Now, bearing in mind that St. Basil had promised to confine himself to Scripture in this treatise De Fide, and moreover that he was himself suspected (unjustly) of want of respect for Scripture, and for vital doctrines contained in it, we can easily understand his language in the passage to which Dr. Salmon refers. Dr. Salmon’s translation has been already given (page 414), and as it is given within inverted commas, he puts it forward as correct. It is however incorrect, and grossly misleading. The correct translation is: ‘It is a plain fall from the faith, and a clear mark of pride, either to set aside what is written, or to bring in what is not written. Since our Lord said My sheep hear My voice, etc., . . . and since the Apostle taking an example from human things most strictly forbids to add to, or take from, the inspired Scriptures.’

In the first part of the quotation the thing condemned is, either to set aside what is written, or to introduce what is not written; and as St. Basil wrote good Greek, it is significant that he uses for ‘bringing in’ the word [unknown Greek], to bring in upon or beside. And from the example given by Liddell and Scott it is clear that the thing brought in assumes the position, the character, of the thing that it supersedes. The meaning, therefore, is that it is a fall from faith, either to reject real Scripture or to introduce as Scripture something that is not Scripture. And St. Basil makes this quite clear in the second part of the quotation, where the Apostle is quoted as forbidding ‘to add to or take from the Scripture.’ He is therefore condemning the perversion or corruption of Scripture itself, and this is confirmed by his proof from Galatians iii., 15 and 16, where the argument depends on the correctness of one written word — where a mere change from singular to plural number would vitiate the argument of St. Paul.

Thus, then, in the first part of the quotation, the perversion of Scripture is condemned on the authority of our Lord, and in the second part it is condemned on St. Paul’s authority. But Dr. Salmon has recourse to his usual tactics in order to find an argument in St. Basil’s text for the all-sufficiency of Scripture. He omitted some of what St Basil said, and introduced what St. Basil did not say, and moreover he omits all reference to the context. In the early part of the quotation he omits the phrase ‘to set aside the things that are written,’ and thus conceals the contrast between rejecting and introducing. His students are thus unable to see that both the rejection and the introduction referred to Scripture, and they are told that the thing condemned is not the introduction of spurious Scripture but of any tradition.

Again, in the second part of the quotation Dr. Salmon says, ‘To detract from Scripture, or to add anything to the faith that is not there, is most manifestly condemned,’ etc. Here Dr. Salmon introduces the words, ‘or to add anything to the faith that is not there.’ These are Dr. Salmon’s own words introduced for a purpose. They are not St Basil’s, and they have no foundation in his text. The text is: ‘To add to or take from the inspired Scripture is forbidden,’ etc. There is no question of  ‘faith,’ it is a question of the text itself of Scripture; and Dr. Salmon perverts St. Basil’s text in order to bring from it a doctrine which the saint most emphatically rejects and condemns. St. Basil does not say that Scripture contains all God’s Word. He maintains that God’s Word is contained in Tradition as well as in Scripture, and that both have an equal influence on our spiritual lives. We take our faith from Scripture and Tradition alike, says St Basil himself; and, therefore, says Dr. Salmon, it is, according to St Basil, ‘a manifest fall from faith’ to take any truths of our faith from Tradition at all! No wonder the young Trinity men are profound theologians!

But Dr. Salmon finds even more aid from St Basil. He quotes the saint — and, strange to say, the quotation this time is substantially correct— as saying: ‘Those who are instructed in the Scriptures ought to test the things that are said by their teachers, to receive what agrees with Scripture, and reject what disagrees’ (page 143). Certainly those who are so instructed should follow St. Basil’s advice. For what have they superior knowledge if not to make use of it? But what are those to do who are not so well instructed in Scripture? What provision does Dr. Salmon make for these? He might as well have appealed to the Polar Star as to St. Basil for evidence of the ‘Bible, and the Bible only.’ So much for his ‘Eastern witness.’

And now let us see what his ‘Western witness’ does for his theory. ‘For a Western witness,’ he says, ‘I cannot take a better than St. Cyprian, because as his controversy was with the Bishop of Rome, the quotation will also serve to show how little the supremacy or infallibility of the Roman See was acknowledged in the third century’ (page 144). How far the alleged action of St. Cyprian can be regarded as an objection to the primacy of the Pope, will be considered later on, but it is only one of Dr. Salmon’s peculiar logical acumen that can see in it an argument against Papal Infallibility. And the argument is this: In the controversy of St. Cyprian with Pope Stephen, the Pope was right, and St. Cyprian was wrong. Therefore the Pope is fallible, concludes Dr. Salmon! Dr. Salmon admits the first proposition. How then can he hold that the defence of true doctrines by the Pope is an argument against his infallibility? If the defence of true doctrine be an argument of the fallibility of the defender, then the promulgation of false doctrine must be an argument of infallibility, and Dr. Salmon’s own Church will be one of the most infallible Churches in existence. This is what his logic leads him to.

‘The question is not who was right in that particular dispute,’ Dr. Salmon says, ‘but what were the principles on which the Fathers of the Church then argued’ (page 74). Dr. Salmon quotes at length the seventy-fourth of St. Cyprian’s letters to show what these ‘principles’ were. And he concludes: ‘Plainly St. Cyprian here maintains that the way to find out what traditions are genuine is . . .  to search the Scriptures as the only trustworthy record of Apostolic tradition’ (page 145). Now, no Catholic theologian is much concerned to defend St. Cyprian. He was a very able man, zealous, austere, and holy, but if the history of this controversy and his letters be genuine, he was clearly very obstinate and vehement in his temper, and he used very uncharitable language of his opponents. On the main question, which he seems to have regarded as a matter of discipline, in which each particular Church should be permitted to retain its own customs, he was in error, but he nobly redeemed his conduct by his martyrdom.

Dr. Salmon’s quotation from St. Cyprian’s letter is substantially correct, but even as he gives it, it excludes his inference. The quotation shows that St. Cyprian condemned the tradition alleged by Pope Stephen, not alone on the ground that it was not contained in Scripture, but on the additional ground that it was opposed to Scripture — condemned by Scripture — and he argues at considerable length to justify this assertion. St. Cyprian then, instead of maintaining the views attributed to him by Dr. Salmon, states that if the tradition alleged by the Pope were contained in Scripture, he would of course accept; but since he finds that it is not only not contained in Scripture, but distinctly and repeatedly condemned and reprobated in Scripture, therefore he rejects and condemns it. To reject a doctrine which Scripture condemns is a very different thing from rejecting it because of the silence of Scripture. The former is what St. Cyprian does, and hence it is, that his action affords no support to Dr. Salmon’s theory of the all sufficiency of Scripture. And thus his Western witness like his Eastern witness is a failure.

But before Dr. Salmon set his conclusions from this controversy before his students, he should have informed them that a great many learned men have regarded this whole controversy as spurious, and the documents bearing on it as simple forgeries, and the reasons for this view are by no means trivial. No matter what the Doctor’s personal opinion may be on the controversy, it is not fair to his students to keep them ignorant of what learned men have said on the very subject on which he was lecturing. The quotations from the other fathers— St. Jerome St. Chrysostom, and St. Athanasius — have been already discussed. They are misquotations every one of them. Instead of studying the authorities he quoted, he consulted Taylor’s Dissuasive, and advised his students to do in like manner. This system did well as long as Dr. Salmon was lecturing his sympathetic audience; but when he took the public into his confidence by the publication of his lectures, he showed great imprudence, and he must take the penalty. There is no relying on his quotations, and his controversial tactics are the worst of the bad. At all events, should he again take to lecturing on theology, his students should exact from him a solemn and rigorous pledge on no account to rely on Taylor’s Dissuasive.

And now, even though the fathers, quoted by Salmon, had held what he erroneously attributes to them, the difficulties of his rule of faith remain — whether the Word of God be wholly or partly in the Bible, the vital question is what does that Word mean. It cannot be a reliable rule unless we have its real meaning — the meaning intended by God Himself. How is Dr. Salmon to determine that? And for him there is a ‘previous question’ to be settled. As the Bible is his sole authority he has first to show that it is an authority at all. How does he, on his principles, show that it is the Word of God, divinely inspired? He is not pleased with us Catholics for putting this awkward question, and for having done so he charges us with denying the authority of Scripture ourselves. ‘I own,’ he says, ‘it is with a very bad grace they here assume the attitude of unbelievers’ (page 83). But the Doctor must recollect that there is a great difference between denying, a doctrine and not permitting him to take it for granted. Then how does he prove it?

Dr. Salmon has one class of proof for all such doctrines: ‘That Jesus Christ lived more than eighteen centuries ago; that he died, rose again, and taught such and such doctrines, are things proved by the same kind of argument as that by which we know that Augustus was Emperor of Borne, and that there is such a country as China’ (page 63). Now, we know ‘that Augustus was Emperor of Rome,’ etc., on human testimony, and such testimony necessarily resolves itself ultimately into that of eye-witnesses. We believe in the existence of Augustus because we can trace back the tradition of his existence until we reach reliable witnesses who saw him, and who stated that they saw him, and we find the chain of evidence sound all along the line. Here is a sensible, external fact coming directly under the cognizance of eyewitnesses. Inspiration is a very different kind of fact. It is internal and supernatural, known only to God, and, perhaps, to the inspired person. Dr. Salmon’s historical proof, then, in order to be valid, must reach up in an unbroken chain either to God Himself, directly or indirectly informing him, or to the inspired writer testifying to the fact of Inspiration.

Now this testimony is not contained in the Bible; the writers do not tell us that they were inspired. The texts usually quoted by Protestants fall altogether short of the requirements of the case; and the text of II. Tim. iii. 16, hitherto quoted as conclusive, is now abandoned in the Revised New Testament, and by all Protestant Biblical scholars of any authority. In order, therefore, to complete his historical proof of Inspiration, Dr. Salmon must go outside the Bible. But to go outside the Bible is to abandon his own principles, and to appeal to Tradition, and thus to surrender himself to a guide which may lead him astray, unless there be a competent reliable authority to distinguish true from false Traditions. The early fathers held the Inspiration of Scripture, as Dr. Salmon himself maintains, but where did they get that doctrine? Not in the Bible, for it was not there. It must have come down to them then by Tradition from the Apostles, and they accepted Tradition as a reliable source or channel of doctrine. But then the fathers were Catholics, and Dr. Salmon is too good a Protestant to follow their example. That the Bible is the inspired Word of God is with him a fundamental article, if any article be such; and he cannot accept such an article unless it be contained in Scripture, and unless, moreover, he can satisfy himself that it is contained there.

It is not contained in Scripture nor provable from it alone. And, therefore, on his own principles he is bound to abandon that doctrine. But if he be determined to maintain the doctrine, since the Bible fails him at the critical point, he has no alternative but one, which presupposes Tradition as a reliable channel of doctrine, and the Infallibility of the Church as a guardian and interpreter of Tradition; and both truths Dr. Salmon vehemently denies. If he adheres to his rule, the Bible, and the Bible only, be must abandon the Inspiration; if he desires to maintain Inspiration, he must abandon his rule. What, then, is he to do? How is he to get out of his difficulty? Only by abandoning the principle that has led him into it. He can never get out of it as long as he remains a Protestant. In one of his heroic moments, when there was no one to question or to contradict him, Dr. Salmon said: ‘I think it much better, then, instead of running away from the ghost of Tradition which Roman Catholic controversialists dress up to frighten us with, to walk up to it and pull it to pieces when it is found to be a mere bogey’ (page 133). Very good and very brave, too! Now is the Doctor’s time to immortalize himself, but it may be prudent for him to reflect that if he succeed the fate of Samson awaits him — he himself and his whole theological system will be buried in the ruins.

But Dr. Salmon has to meet a difficulty, perhaps even more perplexing than the fact of Inspiration, that is — how far Inspiration extends. And this question is every day becoming more and more difficult for him. As long as the Bible was regarded as inspired throughout, and thus outside the range of criticism, Dr. Salmon’s difficulty was limited to its interpretation. But he has now, first of all, to determine what precisely he is to interpret, for Protestants generally have, at the bidding of the ‘higher criticism,’ abandoned their old theory of Plenary Inspiration. All parties, in what is supposed to be Dr. Salmon’s Church, admit now — proclaim, in fact — that in the Bible, side by side with God’s Word, there is much also that is not His Word. Professor Stewart, writing on Inspiration in Hasting’s Bible Dictionary, after a review of the various theories on the subject, concludes, ‘that the determination of its nature, degrees, and limits must be the result of an induction from all the available facts.’ And certainly the process of criticism of ‘the available facts’ has gone on almost with a vengeance. Let anyone glance even at the catalogue of the ‘Foreign Theological Library’ of Messrs. Clarke, of Edinburgh, and he shall see at once the process of dilution that is going on in what is called Protestant theology. And there is no need of importing from Germany startling theories on the Inspiration of Scripture. We have them at home.

A key-note is supplied by Dr. Percevall, Bishop of Hereford, in his introduction to a volume of essays by various Protestant divines, and called Church and Faith. At page viii., ‘Their desire is,’ he says, ‘to set forth the truths of the Gospel and the history and principles of our Church, as they have come to be read, and must in future be read, in the light of modern knowledge, and by those methods of dispassionate study which are now accepted as the only sure and safe guides, whether in history or in theology, or in any other branch of  learning.’ Canon Gore, in Lux Mundi, writes on Inspiration from a somewhat High Church standpoint; but he is just as liberal as Low Church writers, and more illogical than they are.

Dean Farrar, in his Bible: its Meaning and Supremacy, gives a definition of Inspiration not remarkably lucid. He says: ‘It is an indeterminate symbol used by different men in different senses which none of them will define’ (page 117). But the definition is not of much importance in the Dean’s theology, for he says, ‘the Bible, as a whole, may be spoken of as the Word of God, because it contains words and messages of God to the human soul; but it is not in its whole extent and throughout identical with the Word of God’ (page 131). ‘And though a stricter theory may seem to be implied in the looser rhetoric of the fathers . . . it is in fact — an error of yesterday’! And he quotes, with approbation, Mr. Buskin as saying: ‘It is a grave heresy (or wilful source of division) to call any book, or collection of books, the Word of God.’ And Dean Farrar maintains that his theory of Inspiration is the teaching of the Catholic Church, and certainly the teaching of the Anglican Church in the 6th Article, and that it is the only theory that can save the Bible from utter rejection. Now, if only portions of the Bible are God’s Word, before Dr. Salmon can take his faith from them he must first discover them; he must sort them, and separate the portions that are God’s Word from those that are not. And how is he to do this? Mr. Mallock in a criticism on Dean Farrar, puts this matter amusingly but most accurately thus: —

The Dean of Canterbury, we shall suppose, desires to find five respectable persons to fill the post of vergers in Canterbury Cathedral. He is unable personally to search for such moral paragons himself; but a friend of his knows of five for whose character he can vouch absolutely, and he engages to send their names and addresses to the Dean. He writes them on slips of paper and puts them into a bag, but for some reason or other into the same bag he puts also the names and addresses of twenty others who are drunkards, mole-catchers, dog-stealers, burglars, — anything that is least eligible — and he sends them to the Dean all shaken up together. What would the Dean reply to a messenger who would bring him the bag and say: ‘ This bag contains (complectitur) an infallible revelation of the names and addresses you require?’ He would say, and probably with a touch of excusable anger: ‘The contents of your infallible bag tell me nothing at all, unless together with this I have somebody who will infallibly sort them and pick out the names and addresses which reveal to me what I want to know, from the names and addresses which would mislead me and make a fool of me.’ And with regard to the Bible it is obvious that the case is precisely similar. Its inspired and infallible portions can convey to us no instruction till some authority altogether outside the Bible is able to tell us which these infallible portions are. [Doctrine and Doctrinal Disruption, p. 59]

This expresses very accurately the preliminary difficulty Dr. Salmon has to meet before he can avail of his rule, the Bible, and the Bible only. Now, the Bible and Bible only sounds well as a formula, a profession. It is one, and ought to lead to unity and harmony in faith. But instead of being a guarantee of harmony, it is found by experience to be an apple of discord, for each one interprets for himself and so the Bible becomes Babel. And no wonder. Dr. Salmon himself admits that it is undeniable that it is natural to us all to read the Bible in the light of the previous instruction we received in our youth. How else is it that the members of so many different sects, each find in the Bible what they have been trained to expect to find there? Now, if this be true, if men come to read the Bible with their beliefs already formed, how can Dr. Salmon say that they get their faith from it? They read it in the light of their own prejudices. But whatever view they bring to the reading of the Bible it is perfectly notorious that they carry away from it contradictory creeds.

One Protestant finds in the Bible the doctrine of Priesthood, and Real Presence; another finds in it that these doctrines are blasphemous; one Protestant finds in it the Visible Church with the Infallibility of the ‘Church Universal’; another finds in it a Church with some teaching authority, the nature and extent of which is to be determined by each individual member; other equally orthodox Protestants find in it the invisible Church, which is another name for no Church at all; one finds in it Justification by Faith, another Absolute Election; one Protestant finds in the Bible the doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration— the new birth; another finds this doctrine condemned and yet others find it left an open question. And Dr. Salmon’s ‘Church of Ireland,’ with what Mr. Mallock calls an ‘ingenious Catholicity,’ adopts all these views on this important subject. In the Preface prefixed to the Irish Book of Common Prayer, after the Disestablishment, in paragraph 4, reference is made to different views as to the formularies regarding Baptism, and the latitude hitherto allowed in their interpretation is sanctioned for the future. And on this same paragraph we have what must be regarded as an official authentic interpretation by Dr. Day, Protestant Bishop of Cashel, in a booklet called Some Things to be Noted of the Church of Ireland. At page 15 he gives the three views hitherto held and included in the sanction of the Preface : —

One is that the word ‘regeneration’ here made use of does not mean any change of nature or work accomplished by the Holy Spirit in the heart and character of the person, but only a change of state by which he is admitted into the Church. . . . A second view . . . is that regeneration means a real spiritual change in the infant who is baptized. The third view entertained on this truly important subject is that regeneration is indeed a new life imparted to the soul, but one which will surely show itself in due time wherever it is received, that as Baptism is the Sacrament or outward visible sign of this blessing . . .  we have a right to pray that the blessing may at the same time be given . . .  but afterwards it is to he seen whether the blessing has been given or not. (Pages 15, 16.)

This last view is not very transparent. It means that though the new life may not be given with the Baptism we shall know subsequently whether it was, or was not given. The three views, briefly, and stripped of Dr. Day’s mystifying language, are: — 1. That Baptism confers spiritual life. 2. That though the rite may not have conferred spiritual life, time and circumstance will tell whether it did or did not confer it. 3. That Baptism does not, and never will give spiritual life. It is a mere ceremony of incorporation. Now, according to the Preface of the Common Prayer Book, and to Dr. Day’s official explanation of it, an Irish Churchman may hold either of these views, ‘but,’ adds Dr. Day, ‘he has no right to say concerning any of these three, that one who holds it is contradicting the teaching of our Church’ (page 18). Now, if one who holds any one of these opinions is not contradicting the teaching of the Church then the Church must hold all three, a theological feat which fully warrants the individual Churchman in sitting in judgment upon her. Dr. Salmon’s town-clock is here cast into the shade completely, for it only tells one time, which may be either right or wrong. But here his Church in the same breath professes three doctrines ‘on this truly important subject,’ two of which must be wrong, and none of which may be right as far as she can decide.

Now, when such are the fruits which learned men, the masters in Israel, get from the Bible, and the Bible only, what a lucid rule of faith it must be to the uneducated masses! Dr. Salmon clearly sees the difficulty, and he meets it thus: ‘We do not imagine that God meant each man to learn his religion from the Bible without getting help from anybody else. We freely confess that we need not only the Bible but human instruction in it’ (page 113). But if he did ‘not imagine’ this why has he so distinctly and so emphatically stated that it is the duty of each man to do so? Three pages farther on in his book he says: — ‘While it is the duty of the individual Christian to receive with deference the teaching of the Church, it is his duty also not listlessly to acquiesce in her statements but to satisfy himself of the validity of her proofs’ (page 116). Surely if it be ‘the duty of the individual Christian’ to test the value of the Church’s teaching, its harmony with or its opposition to Scripture, it must be equally his duty to test, to verify, or falsify, as the case may be, the teaching of any individual member of the Church who may undertake to enlighten him. He must be at least as competent to sit in judgment on the individual as on the body, and each must be equally his duty, ‘the duty of each individual Christian’ no matter how uneducated.

Dr. Salmon knows the history of the Bible, both text and translation, and, therefore, knows well what the Bible, as a rule of faith, would have meant in past time; but the ordinary Protestant who takes his theology from the Doctor has little conception of what is involved in that rule. In those days of steam-press printing and steel-plate stereo type, we forget that our forefathers had to contend unaided against difficulties which science has removed from our path. We have not to go far back to reach a time when there was no printing, and when, therefore, a Bible, or any other book, could be produced only by the slow process of transcription, at enormous labour and enormous cost. And the writing, too, bad to be done on rough pieces of papyrus, or on skins of vellum or parchment; and thus it will be found that our present handsome pocket Bible is the lineal descendant and representative of a gigantic pile of parchment which could be carried about only by one as strong as Samson, and could be written only by one as patient as Job.

The Bible is a collection of sacred books written under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, by different writers, in different places and at different times. The books of the New Testament appeared at times varying between the tenth year after our Lord’s Ascension and the year preceding the death of St. John. Up to that time a Bible, in our sense, was impossible, and yet at that time quite as much as now man’s salvation depended on belief in God’s revelation. The mission of the Apostles was one of teaching, not one of writing, and their written instructions were occasional and fragmentary; and from the very nature of the case it would take some considerable time to have the authority of such writings universally recognized. When, for instance, St . Paul addressed his letter to the Romans, they should be satisfied as to its genuineness before they would accept it as authoritative. And this fact being established at Rome, it could not for some time be equally well known at Alexandria, Athens, Ephesus, or Jerusalem. Thus, from the very nature of the case, the formation of the canon of Scripture was gradual; it required time.

It may be admitted that the sacred books, as known to us, were generally known to Christians about A.D. 200. Up to that [time] there was no one book to represent the Bible of the present day. But the formation of the canon was still retarded by the persecutions which the early Christians had to endure, and also by the spread of apochryphal writings; and until the canon was settled the Bible could not be a reliable guide in religious matters. There is evidence that the canon of Scripture, as we have it, was universally acknowledged towards the close of the fourth century. But it must be borne in mind that not a line in the handwriting of the inspired writers was then known to exist. The originals were lost, and so the Bible was, at best, a copy, or perhaps a copy of a copy. Each copy was written by hand and in large capital letters. There was no punctuation, no means of distinguishing one word or sentence from another, and bearing this in mind we can fancy what a huge perplexing volume the complete Bible of these early times must have been. The old Itala version came into use early, but errors in transcription became so numerous that St. Jerome was requested by Pope Damascus to correct it. Hence arose St. Jerome’s Vulgate. Other versions, too, of parts of Scripture, arose, and all were copied and multiplied with great zeal and labour, and with great cost also. And with the rise and spread of Monasticism a fresh impetus was given to the transcription and circulation of the Scripture, but errors of transcription were also multiplied.

The invention of printing, of course, facilitated very much the circulation of the Scripture. The eagerness with which copies were sought was a temptation to mercenary speculators, and hence we find issuing from the press editions carelessly prepared by incompetent persons. The evil was much magnified when Luther proclaimed to all, ignorant and educated, that the Bible was the one passport to Heaven. And hence it was that the Church, in the sixteenth century, found herself face to face with an evil the same in kind as that which confronted Pope Damascus in the fourth century, though to a much greater degree — the multiplication of corrupted Bibles. To meet this evil the Council of Trent adopted St. Jerome’s version, and steps were taken to issue a corrected version of it, and to regulate its issue in the future. This is a brief view of the history of the Bible. It is the Word of God, precious above all price, but like all God’s gifts to be used in accordance with His will. To rely on it further than is God’s will and ordinance would be to abuse it, to misapply it, and would be quite as fatal an error as its summary rejection.

Now, as already stated, for one hundred years of our era the Bible was not yet complete, and at least two hundred years had passed before it assumed a collected form such as it has to-day, and during all these years saints lived and died, and martyrs suffered, and souls made their way to Heaven whose eyes never once rested on the sacred books. To these holy souls, of whom the world was not worthy, the Bible could not, by possibility, have been a rule a faith. Faith they had, intense and ardent, but they did not get it from a book which they never saw. It is, therefore, as clear as the noon-day sun that in those early centuries the Bible could not fill, was not designed by God to fill, the place which certain loud talkers claim for it now. It was not the rule of faith. And, considering its formation, its character, its history, as already glanced at, and judging them by the ordinary laws of logic and common sense, it is perfectly clear and certain that ‘the Bible, and the Bible only,’ never was, never can be, and was never designed by God to be, the rule of faith. Even after it had assumed a collected form, you see it a huge mass of parchment or papyrus, written in large uncial letters, sometimes carefully, sometimes very carelessly. As you glance along the lines you seldom find the slightest indication of where a word or a sentence begins or ends. The whole line looks like one word. If Dr. Salmon had set before his students a few specimen sheets of such a manuscript there would be little use in his telling them that the Bible was the rule of faith. They would have before their eyes the argument of its impossibility.

Now, as God wishes all to be saved, and to come to a knowledge of the truth, how can it be held for a moment that all men, or one in ten thousand, could arrive at the knowledge of all the truths of faith by the study of such a cumbrous and perplexing book[?] To make one’s salvation depend on the reading and understanding of such a book would be a system of salvation by scholarship, far more rigidly exclusive than that for which the Catholic Church is abused. And even if it were admitted that a few persons of extraordinary learning, and of still more extraordinary patience, could determine, with some degree of probability, the meaning of the Bible, what is to become of the great multitude of those who are poorly educated, and the still greater number of those who are not educated at all? Are they cut off from all hope for not using what is to them, through no fault of their own, an impossible rule?

But even a greater difficulty remains. Our Lord gave the clearest evidence of His special predilection for the poor, and He gave it as a mark of His mission that ‘the Gospel was preached’ to them. But if at any time up to the invention of printing the reading of the Bible had been necessary to salvation, then indeed would the poor man be cut off from all hope. Mr. L. A. Buckingham, in his Bible in the Middle Ages (page 2), shows that at the present day a Bible got up on the old system would cost £218. The rule of faith at this price would have a very limited number of purchasers, and the poor would be outside the pale of salvation. Our Lord said that it was easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of Heaven, but the Bible only as a rale of faith would open Heaven to the rich man, and seal its gates for ever against the poor. It will avail nothing to say that Bibles are now within the reach of all, and may be thus designed to supersede the teaching Church and thus become a rule of faith as soon as available. Canon Gore, in fact, is bold enough to say so. ‘The canon of which [Scripture] gradually takes the place of the living authority of Apostolic teachers as the ultimate Court of Christian Appeal.’  [Mission of Christ, p. 28)

Now, Canon Gore holds as strongly as Dr. Salmon ‘the Church to teach, the Bible to prove — that is the rule of faith’ (page 45) ; and like Dr. Salmon he subscribed to the Article, that nothing is to be believed as of faith that is not contained in Scripture. And how can it be shown from the Bible that a rule of faith which worked well for some centuries was then superseded by a rule which cannot work at all[?] The change took place, if it took place at all, long after the Bible was written; how then can he find in the Bible evidence of the change? Canon Gore’s theory has all the difficulties of Dr. Salmon’s with the addition of being more illogical. Canon Gore and his High Church friends claim the universal, undivided Church as the infallible guide to the meaning of the Bible, but as they have suspended that Church for twelve hundred years, she can neither tell them what the Bible means now, nor what she thought it meant so long ago.

From a fallible divided Church they appeal to an undivided and infallible Church, but they shall have ceased to be members of the Visible Church before the appeal comes to be tried. Dr. Salmon and Dean Farrar held that the ‘prayerful man,’ under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, can find for himself all the saving truths in the Bible, but unfortunately under the alleged guidance they find in the Bible most contradictory creeds. It is, therefore, much more likely that they are deceived as to the spirit that guides them, than that the Holy Spirit deceives them. Dean Farrar says that the Bible is so plain that ‘even fools need not err therein,’ and yet there are almost as many creeds as readers. This is what comes of the Bible, and the Bible only, as a rule of faith.

Canon Gore and ‘Father’ Puller, who believe in the infallibility of an imaginary Church; Dr. Hatch, who believes that the Church is ‘as divine as the solar system;’ Dr. Salmon, who holds that the Church is as infallible as a town-clock, and Dean Farrar, who dispenses with the Church altogether, since ‘even fools’ can interpret the Bible for themselves — all these are equally orthodox Protestant dignitaries; and all alike find their faith in the Bible only. No wonder that even the Calvinist Werenfels said of a Bible so interpreted: —

Hie liber est in quo quaerit sua dogmata quisque Invenit et pariter dogmata quisque sua.

Of these lines Dean Farrar gives an excellent translation, apparently unconscious that he is accurately describing his own theological position: —

His own opinions here by each are sought,
And here to each his own opinions taught.

Dr. Newman, while yet a Protestant, and writing bitterly against Catholics, said in the Via Media, lect. 6, in 1837, ‘I conclude then that the popular theory of rejecting all other helps, and reading the Bible only, though, in most cases maintained through ignorance, is yet in itself presumption.’* And Dr. Ward, also while a Protestant, said of this theory: ‘It seems paradoxical to the degree of insanity.’ [Ideal, p. 391] And a greater authority than either, the great St. Jerome, said of it: ‘A doctor is an authority on medicine; a blacksmith knows his own trade: the Scriptures alone are claimed by each one as within each one’s province. The babbling old woman, the crazy old man, the windy sophist; every impudent person takes it up, . . . they mutilate it, they teach it before they have learned it.’ [Ep. Paulino] Such is Dr. Salmon’s rule of faith in itself and in its fruits. According to him nothing is to be believed as of faith that is not in the Bible and provable from it. But this doctrine is not in the Bible nor provable from it; and therefore, on his own principles, it is not to be believed. In maintaining this doctrine he contradicts himself; in the very assertion of it he denies it.

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Photo credit: George Salmon, from Cassell’s universal portrait gallery: no later than 1895 [public domain / Wikimedia Commons]
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Summary: Jeremiah Murphy, D.D. made a devastating reply to anti-Catholic George Salmon’s rantings in a multi-part review in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record in 1901-1902.
March 15, 2023

. . . In Which Dr. Salmon Sadly Reveals Himself to be a Hyper-Rationalistic Pelagian Heretic, and Engages in Yet More Misrepresentation of Development of Doctrine and Cardinal Newman’s Statements and Positions

The book, The Infallibility of the Church (1888) by Anglican anti-Catholic polemicist George Salmon (1819-1904), may be one of the most extensive and detailed — as well as influential — critiques of the Catholic Church ever written. But, as usual with these sorts of works, it’s abominably argued and relentlessly ignorant and/or dishonest, as the critique below will amply demonstrate and document.
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The most influential and effective anti-Catholic Protestant polemicist today, “Dr” [???] James White, cites Salmon several times in his written materials, and regards his magnum opus as an “excellent” work. In a letter dated 2 November 1959, C. S. Lewis recommended the book to an inquirer who was “vexed” about papal infallibility. Russell P. Spittler, professor of New Testament at Fuller Theological Seminary, wrote that “From an evangelical standpoint,” the book “has been standard since first published in 1888” (Cults and Isms, Baker Book House, 1973, 117). Well-known Baptist apologist Edward James Carnell called it the “best answer to Roman Catholicism” in a 1959 book. I think we can safely say that it is widely admired among theological (as well as “emotional”) opponents of the Catholic Church.
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Prominent Protestant apologist Norman Geisler and his co-author Ralph MacKenzie triumphantly but falsely claim, in a major critique of Catholicism, Roman Catholics and Evangelicals: Agreements and Differences (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1995, 206-207, 459), that Salmon’s book has “never really been answered by the Catholic Church,” and call it the “classic refutation of papal infallibility,” which also offers “a penetrating critique of Newman’s theory.”
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Salmon’s tome, however, has been roundly refuted at least twice: first, by Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record (March / May / July / September / November 1901 and January / March 1902): a response (see the original sources) — which I’ve now transcribed almost in its totality — which was more than 73,000 words, or approximately 257 pages; secondly, by Bishop Basil Christopher Butler (1902-1986) in his book, The Church and Infallibility: A Reply to the Abridged ‘Salmon’ (1954, 230 pages). See all of these replies — and further ones that I make — listed under “George Salmon” on my Anti-Catholicism web page. But no Protestant can say that no Catholic has adequately addressed (and refuted) the egregious and ubiquitous errors in this pathetic book. And we’ll once again see how few (if any) Protestants dare to counter-reply to all these critiques.
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See other installments of this series:
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Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 1 [3-10-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 2 . . . In Which Dr. Salmon Accuses Cardinal Newman of Lying Through His Teeth in His Essay on Development, & Dr. Murphy Magnificently Defends Infallibility and Doctrinal Development Against Gross Caricature [3-12-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 3 . . . In Which Our Sophist-Critic Massively Misrepresents Cardinal Newman and Utterly Misunderstands the Distinction Between Implicit and Explicit Faith [3-12-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 5: Private Judgment, the Rule of Faith, and Dr. Salmon’s Weak Fallible Protestant “Church”: Subject to the Whims of Individuals; Church Fathers Misquoted [3-15-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 6: The Innumerable Perils of Perspicuity of Scripture and Private Judgment [3-16-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 7 [3-16-23]

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Vol. X: September 1901
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Dr. Salmon’s ‘Infallibility’ (Part 4)
Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy, D.D.
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[I have made a few paragraph breaks not found in the original. Citations in smaller font are instead indented, and all of Dr. Salmon’s words will be in blue. St. John Henry Cardinal Newman’s words will be in green]
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There is no denying that Dr. Salmon has shown very considerable cleverness in his attack on the Catholic Church. But it is cleverness very sadly misapplied. And as he is very far from being the most formidable of her assailants, he cannot expect to succeed where even the gates of hell are foredoomed to fail. His charge against the Church of new doctrines and new articles of faith, of change in doctrine, is, to the unthinking, or to those who have been taught to think wrongly, the most grave that could be made. And it is also one of the most groundless, and can be made only by one who does not know, or who knowingly misrepresents the office and character of the Church. With the Catholic Church, the true Church of Christ, new doctrines are a simple impossibility. She received from her Divine Founder the entire, full, complete deposit of faith. She has held it full and complete from the beginning; and she shall hold it unimpaired till the end of time.
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As St. Vincent of Lerins says: ‘She loses nothing that is hers; she adopts nothing that is not hers.’ What Dr. Salmon calls a ‘new doctrine’ is simply a statement of some truth that has been in her keeping from the beginning; and in taking that statement from the deposit of faith, and in teaching it to her children, the Church is protected from error by the Holy Ghost the Spirit of Truth, ‘Going therefore teach all nations . . . teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you, and behold I am with you all days, even to the consummation of the world.’ ‘The Paraclete, the Holy Ghost whom the Father will send in My name, He will teach you all things, and bring all things to your mind whatsoever I shall have said to you.’ Here, then, is the Church’s warrant to teach. Her premises are God’s own revelation, infallibly true, fixed and definite from the first; and in her process of interpreting it, the Holy Ghost is her guide, and owing to His guidance she cannot betray her trust: she can neither mistake the extent of her commission, nor the meaning of any portion of it. And when therefore, under such guidance, she declares, that a certain doctrine is contained in the deposit of faith, is part of it, her declaration must be true, and therefore the doctrine is not new, but as old as the Christian Revelation.

This follows directly and immediately from the Infallibility of the Church; and the Catholic who accepts that doctrine, accepts all this as a matter of course. He knows that in believing what the Church teaches, he is believing what our Lord revealed to His Apostles, and what they committed to the Church from which he now accepts it. And he not only accepts the actual teaching of the Church, but he is prepared, and for the very same reason that he accepts what she now teaches, to accept also whatever she may in the future make known to him. Any increase of religious knowledge imparted to him by the Church is welcome to the Catholic, its truth and its antiquity are to him a foregone conclusion. He knows that it is part of that body of truth which he had already accepted unreservedly, and in its entirety — that it is a fuller meaning of some truth which he had already believed — that it now comes to him on the same authority on which all his faith rests; and by reason of that additional light and knowledge he accepts now explicitly what he had hitherto implicitly believed.

This is no more than saying that a Catholic is a Catholic, that he really believes what he professes to believe; and for such a person new doctrines in the sense imputed by Dr. Salmon are impossible. By new doctrines Dr. Salmon means doctrines that were not revealed at all — false doctrines — and he gives as instances the Immaculate Conception and Papal Infallibility. But Catholics know that the Church defines nothing that was not in her keeping from the beginning — nothing new — and the very fact of their definition is to the Catholic a proof that these doctrines formed a part of the original revelation; and later on Dr. Salmon shall be supplied with evidence of the unmistakable traces of these doctrines in Catholic
tradition.

The mental attitude of Catholics Dr. Salmon does not realise at all, and hence it is that he makes such silly charges against us. He never loses an opportunity of saying hard things of the Oxford converts for their unpardonable sin of abandoning Protestantism in order to save their souls. He says of them : —

Perhaps those who then submitted to the Church of Rome scarcely realised all that was meant in their profession of faith in their new guide. They may have thought it meant no more than belief that everything the Church of Rome then taught was infallibly true. Events soon taught them that it meant besides that they must believe everything that that Church might afterwards teach, and her subsequent teaching put so great a strain on the faith of the new converts that in a few cases it was more than it could bear. (Page 19.)

And later on (page 62) he gives Mr. Capes as an instance of one who found the strain too great, though, according to Dr. Salmon’s own version of the case, Mr. Capes left the Catholic Church because he refused to accept a doctrine which the Church taught at the very time he joined her. Now, if any of the converts alluded to came into the Church in the state of mind described by Dr. Salmon, they really were not Catholics at all. They had not accepted that which is the foundation of the whole Catholic system — the authority of the teaching Church, which involves belief in anything the Church may teach in the future as well as acceptance of what she actually teaches. And converts coming into the Church are well aware of this, for it is fully explained to them. The Catholic Church does not blindfold those who come to join her, notwithstanding Dr. Salmon’s confident hypothesis. It is not to make up numbers that she receives converts. They must be instructed before they are received, and no priest could, without sin, knowingly receive into the Church one so ill-instructed as Dr. Salmon supposes some of the converts to have been.

Dr. Salmon says of Mr. Mallock that ‘he criticised other people’s beliefs and disbeliefs so freely, that it was hard to know what he believed or did not believe himself’ (page 60). These words are strictly applicable to Dr. Salmon himself. With the exception of a few vague references to what  ‘a prayer-full man,’ may find in the Bible, he gives no clue to his own creed. He boasts of ‘the strength of his conviction of the baselessness of the case made by the Romish advocates’ (page 14); he is quite sure that all distinctive Catholic doctrines form ‘no part of primitive Christianity.’ But this is all negative, and all through his Lectures his teaching is of the same sort. Thus he tells us what he does not believe; but as to what he does believe, we are left totally in the dark. But such is his idea of faith, that it really does not matter much, whether the articles of his creed be few or many, for his faith is purely human. It is not the argument of things unseen; not the testimony ‘greater than that of man;’ not an assent in nothing wavering; not therefore the root and foundation of justification, but a merely human faith, probable, hesitating, doubtful, with no higher certainty than mere unaided human reason can give it. Dr. Salmon believes in the truths of Christianity (if he believes them at all) on exactly the same grounds, and with exactly the same certainty, as he believes in the career of Julius Caesar. Tacitus and Suetonius give him the same certainty as St. Matthew and St. Luke. His own words are: —

That Jesus Christ lived more than eighteen centuries ago; that He died, rose again, and taught such and such doctrines, are things proved by the same kind of argument as that by which we know that Augustus was Emperor of Rome, and that there is such a country as China. Whether or not He founded a Church; whether He bestowed the gift of infallibility on it, and whether He fixed the seat of that infallibility at Rome, are things to be proved, if proved at all, by arguments which a logician would class as probable. (Page 63.) . . . We are certain, for instance, that there was such a man as Julius Caesar. We may call ourselves certain about the principal events of his life; but when you go into details, and inquire, for instance, what knowledge he had of Cataline’s conspiracy, you soon come to questions, to which you can only give probable, or doubtful answers, and it is just the same as to the facts of Christianity. (Page 74.)

And for all this he had prepared his bearers by telling them (page 48) that ‘it must be remembered that our belief must in the end rest on an act of our own judgment, and can never attain any higher certainty than whatever that may be able to give us ’ (page 48). These sentiments are again and again repeated in Dr. Salmon’s Lectures; and in them we have the key to the nature and value of his faith, as well as to the character of his declamation against the Catholic Church. He devotes a great part of his Third Lecture to the right of private judgment, or rather he insists on the necessity of private judgment (page 48). And here again he transcribes almost word for word, and without acknowledgment, Whately’s Cautions for the Times. All through the lecture be is confounding private judgment with the legitimate exercise of reason, and he so represents Catholics as if they condemned all exercise of reason with reference to the truths of faith.

Now, Dr. Salmon must be well aware that private judgment has a well-recognised meaning in theological controversy. It means the opinion of the individual as opposed to external authority; it means the right of the individual to determine for himself, and quite independently of all external control, what he is to believe or not to believe. But private judgment is not a synonym for reason, and in condemning it in its controversial sense, Catholics do not interfere in the slightest degree with the legitimate use of reason. Let us use our reason by all means. St. Paul reminds us of that duty. But in establishing His Church, and commissioning her to teach the nations, our Lord Himself condemned private judgment in its controversial sense, and the Catholic Church only repeats that condemnation. We must use our reason. A fool cannot make an act of faith. And this is really all that Dr. Salmon’s declamation comes to.

But in his zeal to make a case against us the Doctor shows that he has himself no divine supernatural faith at all. ‘Our belief,’ he says, must in the end rest on an act of our own judgment, and can never attain any higher certainty than whatever that may be able to give us’ (page 48). This statement is completely subversive of faith; it is an enunciation of rationalism, pure and simple.  If Dr. Salmon’s belief is to rest ultimately on his own judgment, then his faith is human, and Huxley, whose judgment was at least as reliable as Dr. Salmon’s, had as good grounds for rejecting the Bible as Dr. Salmon has for accepting it. It is well that he has stated so clearly the fundamental principle of Protestantism — a principle which robs faith of its supernatural character, and which has given to Protestant countries as many creeds as there are individuals. If each one’s faith is to rest ultimately on each one’s judgment, we are not to be surprised at the harmony and unity that are a note of what Dr. Salmon calls his Church. Pope’s lines are strictly true of it: —

‘Tis with our judgments, as our watches, none Go just alike, yet each believes his own.

It must be presumed that Dr. Salmon is contemplating that faith without which ‘it is impossible to please God’ — supernatural, divine faith — but he is completely astray as to its motive and nature. Supernatural divine faith does not rest ultimately ‘on an act of our own judgment,’ but on the authority of God revealing the truth we are to believe. We believe the Trinity, the Incarnation, Redemption, not because ‘an act of our own judgment’ shows them to be true, but because God has revealed them. Dr. Salmon confounds the motive of faith with the motives of credibility. For an act of faith we require a revelation and evidence of the fact of revelation. The motives of credibility are those reasons which satisfy us that the revelation is from God — that God has spoken. They are those which establish the divine origin of the Christian faith generally — miracles, prophecies, the wonderful propagation and preservation of the faith, its salutary effect on mankind, etc. All these supply us with a wide and legitimate field for the exercise of our reason, and within that field Catholics do exercise their reason, and according to their circumstances they are bound to do so.

These motives of credibility lead us to believe that a revelation has been made; they are a preliminary to faith, but they are not the motive of faith, or any part of that motive. They do not enter into the act of faith at all. Because of them we believe in the existence of the revelation, but the revelation itself we believe on the authority of God Whose word it is. And belief resting on any motive inferior to this would not be divine faith at all, and could not be the means of saving our souls. Dr. Salmon tells his students that faith is the outcome of their own judgment (and it is to be hoped that they are all profound thinkers), but St. Paul tells them: ‘By grace you are saved, through faith, and this not of ourselves, for it is the gift of God.’ [Eph 2:8] And the same saint said to the Thessalonians: ‘When you had received of us, the word of the hearing of God, you received it not as the word of men, but (as it is indeed) the word of God, Who worketh in you that have believed.’ [1 Thess 2:13] According to St. Paul there is in faith something which we do not owe to our own talents or judgments, but which is God’s gift directly. And in strict accordance with this doctrine of St. Paul, is the teaching of the Vatican Council. It says: —

But that faith which is the beginning of man’s salvation, the Catholic Church professes to be a supernatural virtue, whereby enlightened, and aided by God’s grace, we believe those things which He has revealed to be true, not because of the intrinsic truth of them, known from the natural light of reason, but because of the authority of God revealing them.

And the Council pronounces an anathema against those who hold, as Dr. Salmon does, that for divine faith it is not necessary that the revelation should be believed on the authority of God revealing. With this supernatural divine faith illuminating and elevating the soul, what a sad contrast is presented by Dr. Salmon’s bald rationalism — ‘the act of his own judgment.’ And the saddest feature of the contrast is the spiritual blight and ruin which Dr. Salmon’s theory involves. Supernatural faith is necessary for salvation, and the Doctor’s faith is not supernatural. It is purely human, and can have no more influence in saving souls than the latest theory on electricity. And as Dr. Salmon’s faith is purely human, he is quite logical (though quite wrong), in saying that it can attain to no higher certainty than reason cam give it; and that his belief in our Lord’s life and teaching comes to him in the same way as his belief in the career of Augustus Caesar — that it is merely a hesitating, doubting, absent, at best only a probability.

The Doctor professes a profound knowledge of, and an intimate acquaintance with, Scripture; and yet nothing can be more clear and explicit than the Scriptural condemnation of his theory of faith. In texts almost innumerable faith is spoken of, not as the doubting, hesitating, probable opinion that he describes it, but as an assent to God’s word full, firm, and unhesitating. ‘If you shall have faith, and doubt not,’ said our Lord to His disciples, [Mt 21:21] where He clearly describes doubt as incompatible with faith. ‘Therefore, let all the house of Israel know most certainly that God hath made both Lord and Christ, this same Jesus whom you have crucified.’ [Acts 2:36] ‘For I am certain that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come . . . shall be able to separate us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord.’ [Rom 8:38-39] ‘For I know whom I have believed, and I am certain that he is able to keep that which I have committed unto him against that day.’ [2 Tim 1:12] ‘Ask in faith, nothing wavering,’ says St. James [Jas 1:6].

Nothing can be clearer then, than that faith , according to Scripture, is a firm, unhesitating, unwavering, assent to God’s word. Those who hesitate are described as having ‘little faith’ or no faith. Faith and doubt are regarded as incompatible. And this is precisely the teaching of the Catholic Church. The Vatican Council, in the 3rd chapter De Fide, tells us that we are bound to give to God’s revelation ‘the full obedience of our intellects and of our wills.’ And it further asserts that ‘our faith rests on the most firm of all foundations ’ — the authority of God brought home to us by His Church. When, therefore, Dr. Salmon told his students that ‘our belief must in the end rest on an act of our own judgment,’ and can have no higher authority, he is con tradicting the express language of Scripture as well as the express teaching of the Catholic Church; and he is leading his students astray on the most vitally important of all subjects — the nature of saving faith. It is clear that he has no real conception of any supernatural element in faith; and hence it is that he seeks to ridicule the idea that there is any such, or that Catholics can have any certainty in matters of faith above what unaided reason can give.

I mean [he says] to say something about the theory of the supernatural gift of faith as laid down at the Vatican Council, merely remarking now that the theory of a supernatural endowment superseding in matters of religion the ordinary laws of reasoning, an endowment to question which involves deadly peril, deters Roman Catholics from all straightforward seeking for truth. (Pages 62, 63.)

And what he has to say is this: — ‘They are not naturally infallible, but God has made them so. It is by a supernatural gift of faith that they accept the Church’s teaching, and have a divinely inspired certainty that they are in the right’ (page 81). And he quotes the Vatican Council in proof of his statement, though there is nothing whatever in the Council that would give him the slightest countenance. We do not claim any gift, supernatural or otherwise, ‘superseding in matters of religion the ordinary laws of reasoning.’ These laws we respect and adhere to with far more consistency and persistency than Dr. Salmon shows in his own conduct. If misquotation and misrepresentation be in accordance with ‘the ordinary laws of reasoning,’ then Dr. Salmon is a profound logician! We do not claim to be infallible, either naturally, or supernaturally; we do not claim ‘a divinely inspired certainty that we are in the right,’ and the Vatican Council give no grounds whatever for those ridiculous statements. We have in the Church an infallible guide, and as long as we follow her guidance we are certain of the truth of our faith. But we are not infallible, for through our own fault we may cease to follow the Church’s guidance, and thus may fall away, and lose the faith. As long as we are loyal children of the Church we are certain of the truth of our faith, but that certainty does not come to us by inspiration.

We do not then make the claims attributed to us by Dr. Salmon. But we do claim with the Vatican Council, and hold as of faith, that we cannot make a salutary act of faith without actual grace enlightening our intellects to see the truth and inclining our wills to embrace it. And this claim of ours is not new, as Dr. Salmon ought to know. Our Lord Himself says: — ‘No man can come to Me, except the Father, who hath sent Me, draw him.’ [Jn 6:44] ‘By grace you are saved through faith, and that not of yourselves, for it is a gift of God.’ [Eph 2:8] Actual grace is necessary for all those acts that prepare us for justification, and especially necessary for the more arduous and difficult acts which are opposed to our own passions and prejudices, and Dr. Salmon must be very oblivious of early Church history if he venture to doubt this. To say nothing of other fathers the writings of St. Augustine against Semi-Pelagianism would supply him with abundant proofs of the necessity of illuminating and helping grace, and would show him also that only heretics questioned that necessity. The Second Council of Orange (A.D. 529) in its seventh canon says: —

If anyone asserts that by our natural powers we shall determine or embrace any good thing that pertains to eternal life, or that we shall assent, as we ought, to the salutary preaching of the Gospel without the illumination and inspiration of the Holy Ghost, who gives to all sweetness in assenting and in believing the truth, that person is deceived by the heretical spirit, and does not understand the voice of God saying in the Gospel ‘without Me you can do nothing’ (John xv. 5), or that of the Apostle, ‘not that wo are able to think anything of ourselves, as from ourselves, but all our sufficiency is from God’ (2 Cor. iii. 5).

The sentiment reprobated in such forcible language in this canon is exactly Dr. Salmon’s, and it did not occur to him when he ridiculed the statement of the Vatican Council as false and new, that that statement was taken word for word from the canon of the Council of Orange just mentioned. If the Doctor had given some time and thought to the study of the important and difficult subject on which he lectured so glibly, he would not have made such an exhibition of his levity and of his ignorance by ridiculing as false and new a doctrine which our Blessed Lord Himself revealed most explicitly, and which His Church has held and taught ever since her foundation. Cardinal Newman, so frequently misquoted by Dr. Salmon, puts this matter, with his wonted force and clearness, as follows: —

Faith is the gift of God, and not a mere act of our own, which we are free to exert when we will. It is quite distinct from an exercise of reason though it follows upon it. I may feel the force of the argument for the Divine origin of the Church I may see that I ought to believe, and yet I may be unable to believe. . . Faith is not a mere conviction in reason; it is a firm assent; it is a clear certainty, greater than any other certainty, and this is wrought in the mind by the grace of God, and by it alone. As then men may be convinced, and not act according to their conviction, so they may be convinced, and not believe according to their conviction. . . . In a word, the arguments for religion do not compel anyone to believe, just as arguments for good conduct do not compel anyone to obey. Obedience is the consequence of willing to obey, and faith is the consequence of willing to believe. We may see what is right, whether in matters of faith or obedience, of ourselves, but we cannot will what is right without the grace of God. [Discourses to Mixed Congregations, Dis. XI. pp.  260, 261. Ed. 1862]

Instead of reading such extracts for his students, Dr. Salmon falls back on ‘an act of his own judgment,’ and with very unsatisfactory results. After his dissertation on private judgment he proceeds as follows, feeling apparently that the Catholic Church must go down before his assault:—

We have the choice whether we shall exercise our private judgment in one act or in a great many; but exercise it in one way or another we must. We may apply our private judgment separately to the different questions in controversy — purgatory, transubstantiation, invocation of saints, and so forth — and come to our own conclusions on each, or we may apply our private judgment to the question whether the Church of Rome is infallible, etc. (Page 48.) . . . It is certain enough that what God revealed is true; but, if it is not certain that He has revealed the infallibility of the Roman Church, then we cannot have certain assurance of the truth of that doctrine, or of anything that is founded on it. (Pages 63, 64.)

Here again the Doctor is illogical and misleading. He will have to determine whether the Church of Christ is infallible and indefectible also; and since this is certain and has been proved, he will then have to exercise his judgment in determining which of the existing bodies is that Church of Christ. It must, at all events, profess the doctrine of infallibility, for that doctrine is revealed and true; but since only one of the competitors holds that doctrine, it follows that, if the Church of Christ be existing on earth at all, it must be that one which Dr. Salmon calls the Church of Rome. This is the logical way for Dr. Salmon to use his reason, and it will lead to conclusions very different from those of his lectures. It is a wide field, and a legitimate one, for the exercise of his judgment. But to apply it ‘separately to purgatory, transubstantiation, and the invocation of saints’ is to abuse it. Only the Church can speak with authority on such questions.

These are doctrines that cannot be proved as it is proved that Augustus was Emperor of Rome or that there is such a country as China and faith founded on such arguments will avail very little for Dr. Salmon in the day of his need. It was not faith founded on such arguments that gave St. Paul the certainty of which he speaks in his Epistle to the Romans [8:38]; it was not such faith that enabled St. Stephen to ‘see the heavens opened, and the Son of Man standing at the right hand of God’ [Acts 7:55]; it was not such faith that sustained St. Laurence on the gridiron, or that ever enabled anyone to ‘take up his cross and follow’ our Divine Lord. Such faith as Dr. Salmon contemplates can bring no real consolation in this life, and can inspire no hope for the life to come. Resting on an act of his own judgment, like his belief in the exploits of Caesar or Napoleon Buonaparte, it does not go outside the sphere of mere reason; and hence it is that he seems to know nothing of the elevating, assuring, sustaining character of divine faith, and nothing of the effect of grace on the soul.

Grace and the supernatural are to Dr. Salmon unintelligible terms. He cannot enter into the views of Catholics regarding them; he cannot understand the certainty, the peace of soul, the ‘sweetness in believing,’ which the gift of faith brings to Catholics. All this he caricatures, though he cannot comprehend it. By pandering to the prejudices of young men not overburthened with knowledge, he may secure an audience in his class-room and the character of champion of Protestantism, but he should not forget that these young men have souls to save, and that it is only divine faith can save them. His references to ‘the prayerful man’ and to the Bible as a safeguard against Romanism are vague platitudes. The private judgment which he extols used to be the Protestant substitute for Pope and Church; but 1 modern criticism’ has killed it, and all Dr. Salmon’s art cannot bring it back to life. For the advocates of the Bible, interpreted by private judgment, the vital question now is: How much of the Bible is left for private judgment to interpret? And if Dr. Salmon had given his attention to this question, his time would have been more usefully as well as more charitably spent than it is in bearing false witness against us.

Dr. Salmon was able to give his students the welcome assurance that Catholics were so shattered by the logic of controversialists of his own class and calibre that new methods of defence had been recently resorted to, but, of course, with no prospect of success. The new defences are Newman’s Theory of Development, and the theory contained in his Grammar of Assent. These were, he told them, specially designed to meet the exigencies of controversy, but have failed to do so. In his First Lecture Dr. Salmon warned his students not to identify the statements of particular divines with the official teaching of the Catholic Church, and yet he is doing just that himself all through his Lectures. The works named are represented by him as if they were the very foundation of the Catholic system, essential to its existence. That he should have introduced them into his argument at all, shows how confidently he relied on the intellectual character of his audience. For surely Cardinal Newman is not the Catholic Church, and the Church has not adopted the works named, nor given any official sanction to either of them; and therefore she is in no sense whatever responsible for them, and whether the theories and arguments of the works named be sound or unsound, the Church is in no way concerned.

The Grammar of Assent is, as the very name implies, an attempt to explain the mental process by which men arrive at their beliefs. The greater part of the book has just as much interest for Protestants as for Catholics. Only one section of the fifth chapter has any special interest for Catholics, and even that section is merely explanatory, showing how the philosophical principles laid down in the previous chapter may be applied to dogmatic truths. The late Cardinal Cullen said of the Grammar of Assent that it was ‘a hard nut to crack,’ and Dr. Salmon does not seem to have seriously attempted the operation. And after all his declamation he is forced to admit that Catholics are in no sense concerned with the book. He says: —

When Newman’s book first came out one could constantly see traces of its influences in Roman Catholic articles in magazines and reviews. Now it seems to have dropped very much out of sight, and the highest Roman Catholic authorities lay quite a different basis for their faith. (Page 78.)

The basis of Catholic faith has been laid down not by ‘Roman Catholic authorities’ but by our Blessed Lord Himself, and considered, as an attempt to use the Grammar of Assent, as a weapon against that faith, the net result of Dr. Salmon’s long lecture is — nothing . Let us see how he succeeds with the Essay on Development.

It is, he says, a theory devised to cover our retreat before the overwhelming force of Protestant logic. ‘The Romish champions, beaten out of the open field, have shut themselves up in the fortress of infallibility’ (page 46). But while retreating ‘the first strategic movement towards the rear was the doctrine of development, which has seriously modified the old theory of tradition’ (page 31). It must be owing to his propensity to misrepresent that he substitutes the absurd expression ‘doctrine of development’ for Newman’s own words ‘development of doctrine’; but he distinctly states that it was an invention to meet a difficulty.  ‘The starting of this theory,’ he says, ‘exhibits plainly the total rout which the champions of the Romish Church experienced in the battle they attempted to fight on the field of history . . .  it is, in short, an attempt to enable men beaten off the platform of history to hang on to it by the eyelids.’ Though this extract would lead one to infer that the theory was not previously heard of he says, lower down, that the theory was not new, for it was maintained by Mochler and Perrone, and even a century earlier than their time.

But Newman’s book had the effect of making it popular to an extent it had never been before, and of causing its general adoption by Romish advocates, who are now content to exchange tradition, which their predecessors had made the basis of their system, for this new foundation of development. (Page 31.) . . . When Newman’s book appeared I looked with much curiosity to see whether the heads of the Church to which he was joining himself would accept the defence made by their new convert, the book having been written before he had joined them . . .  it seemed a complete abandonment of the old traditional theory of the advocates of Rome. (Page 33.)

Later on he says: ‘This theory of development, so fashionable thirty years ago, has now dropped into the background’ (page 41). And later on still, in his Seventh Lecture, he says the theory ‘has now become fashionable’ (page 113). What are we to think of this extraordinary theory, or the data given by Dr. Salmon? It is a new theory, and an old one, accepted by us and discarded; vital to us, and useless to us, and all, at the same time, according to this inimitable logician! Leaving to his juvenile controversialists the task of assimilating this mass of contradictions, it is quite sufficient to remind the Regius Professor that the Catholic Church is in no sense whatever responsible for the Essay on Development. It was written, as Dr. Salmon himself states, before its author became a Catholic; and if the Doctor had looked at the preface of the Essay he would have seen the following: ‘His (the author’s) first act on his conversion was to offer his work for revision to the proper authorities; but the offer was declined, on the ground that it was written and partly printed before he was a Catholic’ (Pref. p. x).

This shows how little the Catholic Church is concerned with the theory or with the arguments of the Essay; and how grossly unfair, even to his own students, is the mass of misrepresentation piled up by Dr. Salmon, on the false assumption that the Church is concerned with it. The development of Christian doctrine is as old as Christianity itself. St. Peter’s first sermon on the first Pentecost is an instance of it, and so too are the proofs and explanations of doctrine to be found in the New Testament, and in the early councils and early fathers[.] St. Vincent of Lerins propounded it as a formal theory. So far from supplanting tradition and the fathers, as Dr. Salmon says it does, it is an explanation of both; and if there be anything peculiar in Newman’s theory, he is himself responsible as his own words testify. If Dr. Salmon had given as much of his time and talent to the earnest search for truth, as he devoted to the propagation of calumnies on the Catholic Church, it would have been all the better for himself, and for his students also.

Before passing from the subject of Development, it may be well to consider the value of any interesting discovery which Dr. Salmon has made in the history of the theory. He says: ‘But more than a century before Dr. Newman’s time the theory of Development had played its part in the Roman Catholic controversy, only then it was the Protestant combatant who brought that theory forward, and the Roman Catholic who repudiated it’ (page 35). The allusion is to the controversy between Bossuet and the Calvinist Jurieu, and Dr. Salmon goes on to say : —

The theses of his [Bossuet’s] book called the History of the Variations of the Protestant Churches, was that the doctrine of the true Church is always the same, whereas Protestants are at variance with each other, and with themselves. Bousset [sic] was replied to by a Calvinist minister named Jurieu. The line Jurieu took was to dispute the assertion that the doctrine of the true is always the same. He maintained the doctrine of development in its full extent, asserting that the truth of God was only known by instalments (par parcelles), that the theology of the fathers was imperfect and fluctuating, and that Christian theology has been constantly going on towards perfection. He illustrated his theory by examples of important doctrines, concerning which he alleged the teaching of the early Church to have been defective or uncertain, of which it is enough here to quote that he declared that the mystery of the Trinity, though of the last importance, and essential to Christianity, remained as every one knows undeveloped (informe) down to the first Council of Nice [Nicaea], and even down to that of Constantinople. (Pages 35, 36.)

And Dr. Salmon adds that even ‘the Jesuit Petavius had . . . made very similar assertions concerning the immaturity of the teaching of the early fathers’ (page 86). And his conclusion is this: ‘It seems then a very serious matter if the leading authorities of the Roman Church have now to own that in the main point at issue between Bossuet and Jurieu, the Calvinist minister was in the right, and their own champion in the wrong’ (page 37). According to Dr. Salmon then Bossuet repudiated the development of doctrine in the sense in which Catholics now admit it, while Jurieu maintained in precisely the same sense as we now hold it; and moreover the learned Jesuit Petavius agreed with Jurieu.

Neither of these statements has the slightest foundation in fact. Dr. Salmon says he has taken from Bossuet’s Premier Avertissement aux Protestans. They are not taken from the Premier Avertissement for they are not contained in it; on the contrary it supplies conclusive evidence to contradict each of these statements. Bossuet addressing Protestants in the third section of the Avertissement says: ‘What your minister regards as intolerable is, that I should dare to state that the faith does not change in the true Church, and that the truth coming from God was perfect from the first.’ Now Bossuet immediately explains what he means by this statement, for he immediately quotes St. Vincent of Lerins in confirmation of it: —

The Church of Christ, the faithful guardian of the truths committed to her care, never changes anything in them; she takes nothing away; she adds nothing; she rejects nothing necessary; she takes up nothing superfluous. Her whole care is to explain those truths that were originally committed to her, to confirm those that have been sufficiently explained, to guard those that have been defined and confirmed, and to transmit to posterity in writings those things that she received from the fathers by tradition. (Sec. 4 )

And having thus defined his own teaching Bossuet lays down, in Sec. 5, that his proposition which the minister thought so strange is exactly that of St. Vincent of Lerins, and he adds: ‘But it is not sufficient for that father to establish the same truth which I have laid down as a foundation, but he even establishes it by the very same principle, namely, that the truth coming from God was perfect from the first’ (Sec. 5); and he then quotes St. Vincent as saying : —

I cannot sufficiently express my surprise, how men are so proud, so blind, so impious, so carried away by error, that not content with the rule of faith, once given to the faithful, and handed down from those who went before, they are every day looking for novelties, and are daily seeking to add, to change, or take away something from religion, as if it was not a heavenly truth, which once revealed is sufficient, but only a human institution, which can only come to perfection by continual changing, or more correctly, by every day finding out some defect (Sec. 5.)

And still quoting St. Vincent, Bossuet adds: —

But in order the better to understand the sentiments of St. Vincent we must look at his proof. And the proof of the unchangeable character of the doctrine is St. Paul’s exhortation to Timothy: ‘Oh, Timothy, guard the deposit’; that is, as he explains it, not what you have yourself discovered, but what has been entrusted to you, what you have received from others, and not at all what you might have invented yourself. (Sec. 5.)

From Bossuet’s own words, therefore, in the Avertissement relied on by Dr. Salmon, it is perfectly clear that his teaching as to the unchangeable character of Catholic faith, and the explanation of doctrines under the control and guidance of the teaching Church, is the same as Catholic theologians have always held and taught. It is the teaching given by St. Paul to his disciple Timothy, inculcated by St. Vincent in the beautiful language already quoted from him, and reiterated in St. Vincent’s own words in the acts of theVatican Council. Dr. Salmon professes to have read the Avertissement, and he gives in his own book the acts of the Vatican, and he does not see how they agree in this matter.

All looks yellow to the jaundiced eye.

The character given of Jurieu by his co-religionist and contemporary Bayle, would not lead one to attach much importance to his views on theology, or indeed on any other subject. His views on Development Dr. Salmon professes to have taken from Bossuet’s Avertissement, and Dr. Salmon’s contention is, that our theory now was Jurieu’s theory then, and that it seems a very serious matter if ‘the leading authorities in the Boman Church have now to own …. that the Calvinist minister was in the right, and their own champion in the wrong ’ (page 37). Now, when we refer to the Avertissement, from which Dr. Salmon has taken his information, we find Jurieu’s theory of Development described by Bossuet as follows: ‘It may be alleged that the changes were only verbal in the terms, and that in reality the Church’s belief was always the same. But this is not true . . .  for the way in which we have seen that the ancients speak of the generation of the Son of God, and of His inequality with the Father, convey impressions very false and very different from ours.’ (Sec. 6.) Again from Sec. 8 we learn that according to Jurieu the early Christians did not believe that the Person of the Son of God was eternal, and consequently did not believe that the Trinity was from eternity.

Again in Sec. 9 we are told that according to Jurieu the early Christians did not believe that God was immutable. In Sec. 10 we are told that according to Jurieu the first Christians believed that the Divine Persons were not equal, and from Sec. 13 we learn that, according to Jurieu, the early Christians did not know the mystery of the Incarnation. It is needless to quote any further the blasphemies of this man. It is quite unnecessary to inquire whether Jurieu really held these blasphemies, though Bossuet convicts him out of his own mouth. Such at all events is the theory of Jurieu from the very text which Dr. Salmon professes to have quoted. According to Jurieu the early Christians were not only ignorant of true doctrines, but they held for at least three centuries doctrines that were blasphemous, and subversive of all true faith, and that from this mass of blasphemous error truth gradually (par parcelles) came forth. And with this text and proof before him Dr. Salmon does not hesitate to tell his students that Jurieu’s position then was the Catholic position now, and that ‘in Newman’s Essay on Development everything that had been said by Jurieu and by Petavius . . .  is said again, and said more strongly’ (page 37).

And what has Petavius done that he should be classed with such a person as Jurieu? Surely his character as one of the greatest scholars of his age, and one of the leading theologians of the great Jesuit Order, should have made even Dr. Salmon hesitate to link him with such an ignorant fanatic. But the most extraordinary feature of the charge against Petavius is that the very text on which the charge is grounded proves it to be utterly and entirely false — is simply a formal refutation of the charge. Again Dr. Salmon takes his information from the Avertissement, and the only refer ence to Petavius is in Sec. 28, in which Bossuet undertakes to prove ‘that the passage of Petavius quoted by Jurieu, states the direct contradiction of what that minister attributes to him.’ And Bossuet proves his assertion conclusively from the text of Petavius. There was question only of the doctrine of the Trinity, and Bossuet shows that according to Petavius all the fathers agree as to the mystery, though they sometimes differ as to the manner of explaining certain things connected with it.

In the less important matters some few, very few, have erred. Some have spoken inaccurately but the great multitude of the fathers have been as accurate in their language as they were orthodox in their faith. This, according to Bossuet, is the teaching of Petavius, and anyone who consults Petavius himself will find Bossuet’s statement quite correct. The text will be found in the preface to the second volume of Petavius’ works, c. 1, n. 10 and 12 of Zachary’s edition, Venice, 1757. Now, though Petavius directly contradicts Jurieu, Dr. Salmon declares that they agree, and by some clever mental process he finds that Newman agrees with both. In proof of this he says that ‘Newman begins by owning the unserviceableness of St. Vincent’s maxim “quod semper”’ (page 37).

Dr. Salmon himself has made the same admission at page 270. He adds that Newman ‘confesses that is impossible by means of this maxim (unless indeed a very forced interpretation be put on it) to establish the articles of Pope Pius’ creed . . . impossible to show that these articles are any part of the faith of the Early Church’ (page 37). Dr. Salmon is here fully availing himself of his ‘advantage in addressing an audience all one way of thinking,’ and thus he is led again to attribute to Newman a statement that has no foundation in his text. Newman says nothing of what is attributed to him here. In speaking of St. Vincent’s maxim, Newman says that an unfair interpretation is put on the maxim by Protestants in order to make a case against the Catholic Church, and that for this unfair interpretation Protestants themselves suffer.

It admits [Newman says] of being interpreted in one of two ways: if it be narrowed for the purpose of disproving the Catholicity of the creed of Pope Pius, it becomes also an objection to the Athanasian; and if it be relaxed to admit the doctrines retained by the English Church, it no longer excludes certain doctrines of Rome which that Church denies. It cannot at once condemn St. Thomas and St. Bernard, and defend St. Athanasius and St. Gregory Nazianzen. [Essay on Development, p. 9]

And Newman adds: —

Let it not be for a moment supposed that I impugn the orthodoxy of the early divines, or the cogency of their testimony among fair inquirers: but I am trying them by that unfair interpretation of Vincentius which is necessary in order to make him available against the Church of Rome. [Ibid., p. 15]

This is Cardinal Newman’s real view as to the rule of St. Vincent of Lerins, very different from the view attributed to him by Dr. Salmon in his anxiety to make a case against the Catholic Church. And it is for this same object that Bossuet and Jurieu and Petavius are quoted by Dr. Salmon, to make them available against the Catholic Church. The attempt, however, is a miserable failure. In fact, no one can read the Avertissement, and read Dr. Salmon’s paraphrase of it, without feeling— well, that the Doctor is a very imaginative person, that he has a rather clever way of manipulating his authorities, that he is a sort of mesmeriser who can make his media say precisely what he wants them to say. His aim is, he says, not victory, but truth: but it must be admitted that he has a somewhat peculiar way of telling the truth. His manner of carrying on the ‘Controversy with Rome’ is in strict accordance with the time honoured traditions of Trinity College; and the College is, indeed, fortunate in securing the services of a regius professor who has such a profound knowledge of theology, and such a scrupulous regard for truth.

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Photo credit: George Salmon, from Cassell’s universal portrait gallery: no later than 1895 [public domain / Wikimedia Commons]
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Summary: Jeremiah Murphy, D.D. made a devastating reply to anti-Catholic George Salmon’s rantings in a multi-part review in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record in 1901-1902.
March 12, 2023

. . . In Which Our Sophist-Critic Massively Misrepresents Cardinal Newman and Utterly Misunderstands the Distinction Between Implicit and Explicit Faith

The book, The Infallibility of the Church (1888) by Anglican anti-Catholic polemicist George Salmon (1819-1904), may be one of the most extensive and detailed — as well as influential — critiques of the Catholic Church ever written. But, as usual with these sorts of works, it’s abominably argued and relentlessly ignorant and/or dishonest, as the critique below will amply demonstrate and document.
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The most influential and effective anti-Catholic Protestant polemicist today, “Dr” [???] James White, cites Salmon several times in his written materials, and regards his magnum opus as an “excellent” work. In a letter dated 2 November 1959, C. S. Lewis recommended the book to an inquirer who was “vexed” about papal infallibility. Russell P. Spittler, professor of New Testament at Fuller Theological Seminary, wrote that “From an evangelical standpoint,” the book “has been standard since first published in 1888” (Cults and Isms, Baker Book House, 1973, 117). Well-known Baptist apologist Edward James Carnell called it the “best answer to Roman Catholicism” in a 1959 book. I think we can safely say that it is widely admired among theological (as well as “emotional”) opponents of the Catholic Church.
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Prominent Protestant apologist Norman Geisler and his co-author Ralph MacKenzie triumphantly but falsely claim, in a major critique of Catholicism, Roman Catholics and Evangelicals: Agreements and Differences (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1995, 206-207, 459), that Salmon’s book has “never really been answered by the Catholic Church,” and call it the “classic refutation of papal infallibility,” which also offers “a penetrating critique of Newman’s theory.”
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Salmon’s tome, however, has been roundly refuted at least twice: first, by Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record (March / May / July / September / November 1901 and January / March 1902): a response (see the original sources) — which I’ve now transcribed almost in its totality — which was more than 73,000 words, or approximately 257 pages; secondly, by Bishop Basil Christopher Butler (1902-1986) in his book, The Church and Infallibility: A Reply to the Abridged ‘Salmon’ (1954, 230 pages). See all of these replies — and further ones that I make — listed under “George Salmon” on my Anti-Catholicism web page. But no Protestant can say that no Catholic has adequately addressed (and refuted) the egregious and ubiquitous errors in this pathetic book. And we’ll once again see how few (if any) Protestants dare to counter-reply to all these critiques.
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See other installments of this series:

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 1 [3-10-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 2 . . . In Which Dr. Salmon Accuses Cardinal Newman of Lying Through His Teeth in His Essay on Development, & Dr. Murphy Magnificently Defends Infallibility and Doctrinal Development Against Gross Caricature [3-12-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 4 . . . In Which Dr. Salmon Sadly Reveals Himself to be a Hyper-Rationalistic Pelagian Heretic, and Engages in Yet More Misrepresentation of Development of Doctrine and Cardinal Newman’s Statements and Positions [3-15-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 5: Private Judgment, the Rule of Faith, and Dr. Salmon’s Weak Fallible Protestant “Church”: Subject to the Whims of Individuals; Church Fathers Misquoted [3-15-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 6: The Innumerable Perils of Perspicuity of Scripture and Private Judgment [3-16-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 7 [3-16-23]

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Vol. X: July 1901
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Dr. Salmon’s ‘Infallibility’ (Part 3)
Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy, D.D.
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[I have made a few paragraph breaks not found in the original. Citations in smaller font are instead indented, and all of Dr. Salmon’s words will be in blue. St. John Henry Cardinal Newman’s words will be in green]
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Dr. Salmon said in his Introductory Lecture, ‘I have an advantage in addressing an audience all of one way of thinking, that I am not bound to measure my words through fear of giving offence’ (page 15). This is really a very questionable advantage: and it is more than counter-balanced by the risk of its begetting a confidence which would make the lecturer as indifferent to the measure of his facts and doctrines as to that of his words. Unfortunately for Dr. Salmon, and for his students also, the ‘advantage’ has had precisely this effect upon him. He had no fear of hostile criticism — no fear that even one of his statements would be questioned by any one of his audience, and, he neither measured his words, nor felt his way, but went on headlong, caricaturing facts and doctrines and arguments in such a way as to suggest grave doubts as to his own sincerity. He informed his students that our great argument for Infallibility was its necessity, though he could have learned from any of our dogmatic theologians that this was not our great argument; and having made this statement, he proceeds to construct for us a profession of faith, sufficiently meagre to dispense with the necessity of an infallible guide; and the ‘audience all of one way of thinking’ was, of course, enlightened, delighted and convinced.

Dr. Salmon says: ‘For thus holding that the list of truths, necessary to be known in order to salvation, is short and simple, we have the authority of the Roman Church herself’ (page 91). And behold the proof: —

What is it [he asks], that for their souls’ health they are bound to know? A popular little manual circulated by thousands, and called, ‘What every Christian must know,’ enables us to answer this question. It tells us that every Christian must know the four great truths of faith, namely: — ‘1. There is one God. 2. In that God there are three Persons. 3. Jesus became Man and died for us. 4. God will reward the good in heaven, and punish the wicked in hell.’ This list of necessary truths is not long, but some Roman Catholics have contended that it might be shortened, pointing out that, since men were undoubtedly saved before Christ’s coming, without any explicit faith in the Incarnation or in the doctrine of the Trinity, an explicit faith in these doctrines cannot be held to be necessary to salvation (page 95).

In a note Dr. Salmon attributes this view to Gary, on the authority of Dr. Littledale, and he then proceeds as follows: ‘Nor does such faith seem to be demanded in a certain Papal attempt, to define the minimum of necessary knowledge. Pope Innocent IV., in his Commentary on the Decretals, lays down that it is enough for the laity to attend to good works; and for the rest to believe implicitly what the Church believes’ (pages 95, 96). Now, when young men, not overburthened with knowledge, are listening day after day to teaching of this sort, it is no wonder that it takes hold of their minds; they come to believe it; they rest satisfied with it; they rely on their teacher; and they go out into the world with the conviction that Catholics are very illogical and absurd, and very wicked also. They have been listening all along to a one-sided story, and they never realise that there is another side, which may be very different.

Dr. Salmon warned his students against identifying the statements of particular divines with ‘the authorised teaching of the Roman Catholic Church’ (page 13). And yet this is precisely what he has himself been doing, in the extracts just given. They are his proof that ‘we have the authority of the Roman Church herself for holding that the list of truths, necessary to be known in order to salvation, is short and simple’ (page 91). Now, Father Furniss is not ‘the Roman Church herself,’ neither is Father Gury, nor Innocent IV. in the work quoted, or rather misquoted. Catholic theologians would smile at finding the Regius Professor of Divinity quoting — (misquoting) — a penny book, written by a hard-worked missionary priest, and intended for children, as if it had been a standard Catholic theological work, and ‘the authority of the Roman Church herself.’ No wonder that the Doctor’s pupils become such profound theologians, such formidable controversialists, such a terror to the Church of Borne! The Doctor, then, is inconsistent. But he is much more than inconsistent; he is grossly unfair to the writers quoted, for neither of them held the doctrine attributed to them by Dr. Salmon.

When a passage is taken out of its context and used in a sense different from that of the writer, that writer is as much misrepresented as if words had been attributed to him which he did not use at all. To falsify a writer’s meaning is just as bad as to falsify his words. The view attributed to Gury is a good illustration of this. He is represented as teaching that our obligatory profession of faith ‘might be shortened’; limited to belief in God, and in future rewards and punishments; and Catholics are represented as holding the necessity of an infallible guide for so short a creed. Now, if Dr. Salmon believes in St. Paul’s teaching, he must be satisfied that belief in the two articles mentioned was absolutely necessary before the Church was founded at all. And does he fancy that an astute Jesuit theologian is so simple as to maintain that an infallible church is necessary for the teaching of truths, that had been believed for several centuries before the Church came into existence[?] Is he, in his anxiety to make out a case against the Catholic Church, abandoning the old Protestant theory about the Jesuits? He quotes Gury from Dr. Littledale. It would have been much better if he had quoted from Gury himself; for then, he would have seen that the passage referred to, had no more reference to the doctrine of Infallibility than the Aurora Borealis has. What sort of necessity does Gury contemplate in the passage referred to ?

It becomes necessary again to remind Dr. Salmon of the distinction made by theologians between the necessity of means (necessita medii), and the necessity of precept (necessitas praecepti). In strict theological language a thing is said to be a means (medium) of salvation, when it contributes something positive towards the securing of salvation; and, it is a necessary means, when this positive influence contributed by it, cannot be otherwise supplied. A thing, then, that is necessary as a means (necessitate medii) of salvation, is so necessary, that in no circumstances can it be dispensed with; it does for us something for the saving of our souls, which nothing else (in the present dispensation) can do. The necessity, therefore, is strict and absolute and indispensable. On the other hand, when a thing is said to be necessary, by necessity of precept (necessitate praecepti), the necessity arises solely out of the precept; the thing commanded or prohibited has, of itself, no positive influence on our salvation; it does nothing positive for us; but if we violate the precept we sin, and thus put a bar to our salvation.

It is clear, then, that the necessity of precept can affect only adults in the possession of their reason, for such only are capable of fulfilling a precept; and it is clear, also, that circumstances may exempt one wholly, or partly, from the obligation of a precept. And since we are bound to labour to save our souls, it follows that whatever is necessary as a means of salvation comes under that obligation, and is, therefore, necessary by necessity of precept also. Now, according to Catholic theology, faith is necessary as a means of salvation, absolutely and indispensably, for all without exception. Habitual faith infused in baptism suffices for infants who die before they come to the use of reason. But for all adults who have come to the use of reason, actual faith, supernatural in its principle and in its motive— that is, explicit belief in certain divinely revealed truths — is necessary as a means of salvation (necessitate medii), and from this stern necessity, no circumstances whatever, no ignorance how- ever invincible, can excuse them. How may truths of faith come under this stern necessity of means, is not determined; but all adults in the enjoyment of reason are bound by necessity of precept (necessitate praecepti) to believe all that God has revealed, and that His Church teaches.

As already stated, circumstances may, to a large extent, affect the obligation of a precept, or may, altogether, exempt one from its observance. One, for instance, to whom the precept was never made known, cannot be expected to observe it, and does not sin by not observing it. A street arab who has been neglected by his parents, who has been the sport of adverse fortune from his earliest days, cannot be expected to know his faith as well as a child, who has been trained carefully by religious parents. And a trained theologian — like Dr. Salmon — knows much more of revealed truth than an ordinary layman does, and is therefore bound to a greater measure of explicit faith in those truths that are necessary, by necessity of precept (necessitate praecepti). And the violation of the precept of faith, is a much greater sin, in the case of one who has a better knowledge of his obligation ; for such a person sins against greater light. Thus then, while the precept of faith is the same for all, its obligation, as regards explicit faith, does not affect individuals with equal stringency. All this, Dr. Salmon could have read in any of our dogmatic theologians; and he should have read it somewhere before he ventured to lecture on so important and difficult a subject.

But to misrepresent our theologians without reading them, appears to be Dr. Salmon’s forte. Instead of looking, himself, at the text of Gury, he takes it from the extra-fallible Littledale, and tells his students that we require an infallible guide to a profession of faith, that is limited by one of our own standard theologians to two articles: — the existence of God, and future rewards and punishments. Now again, what sort of necessity does Gury contemplate in the passage referred to? Nothing can be clearer than Gury’s own words. The passage occurs in his treatise, De Virtutibus , c. 1, art. 2, 8. 1, and the section is headed — ‘On the truths necessary to be known and believed by necessity of means’ (necessitate medii).

He is, therefore, discussing what truths of faith are absolutely and indispensably necessary (necessitate medii) to be explicitly believed by all, whether in the Church or outside of it, in order that they may be saved. He states as certain that the two articles of faith mentioned by Dr. Salmon are necessary as a means (necessitate medii) and he gives the proof; and having done so, he says: — ‘But it is disputed whether there are not many other articles also necessary to be explicitly believed by this same rigorous necessity of means (necessitate medii) for salvation.’ He states that some theologians hold that the Trinity and Incarnation come under the same rigorous necessity, but, he himself thinks the opposite opinion more probable; that is, that only faith in God, and in future rewards and punishments, is necessary by necessity of means (necessitate medii) for salvation.

This, then, according to Gury, is the minimum of explicit faith to qualify an adult for entering into Heaven; and no circumstances whatever — no amount of invincible ignorance — would excuse from the stern necessity of so much at least of explicit faith. It holds for all without exception, whether in the Church or out of it. It has been necessary since revelation began, and a majority of theologians regard it as more probable that the Christian revelation has not altered this minimum. Thus, then, the opinion of Gury contemplates a most exceptional case: — that of one who has explicit faith in God, and who believes that He will reward those who serve Him; but who, through no fault of his own, is ignorant of all other revealed truths. And all that the opinion concedes is, that the salvation of such a person is not impossible. According to Gury, therefore, the salvation of one who has explicit faith in God and in future rewards and punishments, is, in certain most exceptional circumstances, not impossible.

Therefore, says Dr. Salmon, Gury teaches that explicit faith in God and in future rewards and punishments is sufficient for all persons, at all times and in all circumstances. This is all ‘that for their souls’ health they are obliged to know’ (page 95); and in this teaching of Gury ‘we have the authority of the Roman Church herself’ (page 91). Dr. Salmon’s logic is worthy of his cause. In the chapter and article of Gury, already quoted, section 2 is headed: ‘On the truths necessary to be known and believed by necessity of precept ‘ (necessitate praecepti); and he gives in the list of such truths the Apostle’s Creed, the Commandments, the Precepts of the Church, the Lord’s Prayer, the Sacraments, and he adds such an explanation of them as includes our full obligation, both as to faith and morals. All this we are bound by the Church to know and believe, and for the simple and sufficient reason that our Lord commissioned and commanded her to teach all this; and it is in teaching all this that the Church’s infallible authority comes to be exercised. This is a very different version of Gury’s teaching from that given to his students by Dr. Salmon; but it is Gury’s own.

And bad as Dr. Salmon’s treatment of Gury is, his treatment of Pope Innocent IV. is immeasurably worse; for he represents the Pope as teaching that ‘the laity’ require no explicit faith at all. After misquoting Gury the Doctor adds: —

Nor does such faith seem to be demanded in a certain Papal attempt to define the minimum of necessary knowledge. Pope Innocent IV., in his Commentary on the Decretals , lays down that it is enough for the laity to attend to good works, and for the rest to believe implicitly what the Church believes (pages 95, 96).

The quotation begins with one of those sinister insinuations with which Dr. Salmon’s book is literally teeming: ‘a certain Papal attempt to define.’ Now, when we speak of a Pope defining any doctrinal question, we understand that he is pronouncing a definite sentence, which Catholics are bound to accept as infallible; and the expression used by Dr. Salmon suggests to his students that ‘the minimum of necessary knowledge’ has been definitely fixed for us by an infallible decision, that minimum being no explicit faith at all, at least for lay Catholics. Now (1), no Catholic believes that a Pope, when he writes a book, is acting in his official capacity as Head of the Church and teaching infallibly. Benedict XIV. has written several very learned and valuable works, which are frequently quoted by Catholic theologians, but never as infallible utterances. It is so with the work of Innocent IV. He was a very learned man; but no one before Dr. Salmon represents him as defining, or attempting to define, the questions discussed in his book in the sense in which that word ‘define’ is used when there is question of the exercise of Infallibility.

When a Pope writes such a work Catholics regard him as a private theologian giving his opinion; and in such cases his opinion is weighed, like that of other theologians, on its merits. But (2) Innocent IV. did not give the opinion attributed to him by Dr. Salmon, but the exact contradictory of it; and Dr. Salmon’s manipulation of the text he professes to be quoting is one of the worst specimens of his controversial tactics. He suppresses what the Pope says, in order to represent him as saying what he did not say. ‘Pope Innocent IV. lays down that it is enough for the laity to attend to good works, and for the rest to believe implicitly what the Church believes.’ Now, if the Pope lays down that, this is enough ; therefore, he lays down that no explicit faith is necessary for the laity. This is Dr. Salmon’s version. But the opening words of the passage he professes to be quoting are as follows: —

There is a certain measure of faith to which everyone is bound, and which is sufficient for the simple, and, perhaps, even for all laics; that is, that each one coming to the faith must believe that there is a God, and that He rewards all the good. They must also believe other articles implicitly; that is, they must believe that whatever the Church teaches is true.

With his usual dexterity Dr. Salmon omits the passage in which the Pope insists on the necessity of explicit faith, and substitutes words which have no foundation in the text at all. The Pope says that explicit faith in God, and in future rewards, is necessary for all, even the most ignorant; but according to Dr. Salmon be lays down that the laity require no explicit faith at all. There is very little likelihood that Dr. Salmon’s students will take the trouble of consulting the very rare and obscure book which he professed to quote; and so, the false impression created by his teaching will remain; and if the students really believe their professor, they will go out into the world with the conviction, that their Catholic neighbours are not bound to have explicit faith even in the existence of God! What a liberal and enlightened generation of clerics that must be, which has had the advantage of Dr. Salmon’s special training.

The remainder of Dr. Salmon’s reference to Innocent IV. is quite irrelevant. It is clearly intended to fasten on Catholic priests in the past, the charge of ignorance. Well, it is much to be regretted that religious teachers in any Church should be wanting in knowledge; but the Catholic Church has not a monopoly of such teachers. A glance at the third chapter of Macaulay’s History of England, or at Dean Swift’s Directions to Servants, would show Dr. Salmon that he has some domestic difficulties to settle. And indeed, judging from his own lectures, those who have had the privilege of his own special training, are not likely to become prodigies of theological knowledge; — and certainly their time would have been better employed in learning to defend whatever revealed truths they still hold, than in learning to calumniate us. But even irrelevant as the quotation from Innocent IV. is, Dr. Salmon could not resist his habit of manipulating it.

The cleric described by Macaulay, after securing the cook or kitchen-maid as partner of his missionary toil, was allowed by his Church to propagate the Gospel after his own fashion. No inconvenient inquisition was set up as to his positive knowledge of the truths he was supposed to teach. But the ignorant cleric contemplated by Innocent IV. was not let off so easily, as Dr. Salmon could have seen from the text before him. By dispensation of the Pope, or of a religious superior, such a cleric may be allowed to retain his position, only in the extreme case when he had neither time for studying nor the means of acquiring knowledge; when he was so poor that he should support himself by the labour of his own hands. But if he had facilities for acquiring more explicit knowledge he was bound to acquire it.

And the religious superior, before imposing penance on such a cleric for culpable ignorance, was directed to ascertain whether the ignorance arose from weakness of intellect, or, as many of those alleged, from pressure of works of piety and charity. And in the case of one who had sufficient talent and the means of acquiring more explicit knowledge, Innocent IV. would not admit of such an excuse. No doubt the case contemplated by the Pope is an extreme one, and the standard is certainly low; but it is very far from being so low as Dr. Salmon represents it; and moreover, it was the result of the bad system of lay interference in ecclesiastical appointments — a system which the Popes always laboured to break down.

Amongst the myriad misquotations in Dr. Salmon’s book, perhaps the most extraordinary is his reference to Father Furniss. The little book quoted, What every Christian must know, is one of a series of ‘Books for Children.’ The Imprimatur of the present learned Archbishop of Dublin on its first page, is an absolutely certain warrant of its orthodoxy; but, being intended for children, and for very young children, too, its style is the plainest and simplest imaginable, and its teaching of the most elementary character. That this penny book should be looked up to as an authority by the theological faculty of Trinity College, is an indication of the profound knowledge of theology which the faculty imparts; but, that so plain and simple a little book should be misrepresented, must be the result of an invincible propensity. This little tract, he says,

Tells us that every Christian must know the four great truths of faith, namely: — 1. There is one God. 2. In that God there are three Persons. 3. Jesus became man and died for us. 4. God will reward the good in heaven and punish the wicked in hell (page 95).

And on the following page he adds that: —

Later editions add the doctrine of the Sacraments, namely: — Baptism takes away original sin; Confession takes away actual sin; and the Blessed Sacrament is the body and blood of Christ.

And he adds: —

But take this list of necessary truths at the longest, and it certainly has the merit of brevity But the main point is, that if the list of necessary truths is so short the necessity for an infallible guide disappears, the four great truths of faith named are held as strongly by Protestants who dispense with the guidance of the Church of Rome as by those who follow it (pages 96, 97).

All that we need believe then is the existence of God, the Trinity, the Incarnation, future rewards and punishments, with Baptism, Confession, and the Blessed Sacrament, and for this concise creed we require an infallible guide. This is Dr. Salmon’s version of the teaching of Father Furniss. But when we consult Father Furniss himself, we find the Doctor playing his old game. The very first sentence in Father Furniss’ little book is a quotation from Benedict XIV. as follows: — ‘We affirm that the greatest part of the damned are in hell, because they were ignorant of those mysteries of faith which Christians must know and believe.’ This does not look like minimising in the matter of faith. And the very next sentence, which is the first of Father Furniss’ own text, is as follows: — ‘Every Christian, by the command of the Church, must know, at least: — 1. The four great truths of Faith. 2. The Sacraments; at least Baptism, Penance, and the Blessed Eucharist. 3. The Prayers, Our Father, Hail Mary, and the Creed, or, I believe. 4. The Commandments of God, and the Church.’

And then under the heading of Faith, Father Furniss says: — ‘Be very careful to learn these four great truths, because no one can go to heaven without knowing them,’ and he then gives the four great truths named by Dr. Salmon. It is clear, then, from Father Furniss himself, that the necessity for the four great truths is the necessity of means, whereas, in the previous sentence he contemplated the necessity of precept, and gave, under that heading, his substance of the Catholic profession of faith, which we are bound to take from the Church.

Father Furniss next gives the Sacraments: — Baptism, Penance, and the Blessed Eucharist, with a very short question and answer on each. And, strange to say, Dr. Salmon misrepresents only one of these answers; but what is lost in number is made up for by the character of the misrepresentation. ‘Confession takes away actual sin,’ he says, whilst professing to be quoting from Father Furniss. No, Confession does not take away actual sin, and Father Furniss does not say that it does. The Sacrament of Penance takes away actual sin, and Father Furniss says so; but of that Sacrament Confession is only one part, and that not the most essential or important. Such, then, are the authorities offered to his students by Dr. Salmon, to convince them, that we are required to believe very little, and, that for that little we require an infallible guide. For teaching of this sort it is no excuse that it is addressed to ‘an audience all of one way of thinking.’ This circumstance only renders such teaching more reprehensible, for it keeps young men from thinking aright on a question involving the salvation of their souls.

Now, when Dr. Salmon told his students that our obligatory profession of faith may, according to our own theologians, be cut down to two articles, and that we required an infallible guide even for these, did he make the slightest attempt to verify his statement ? Does he fancy that we are fools to risk our souls on such a creed  Does he fancy us ignorant of the fact that the articles named were just as necessary before the Church was founded as they are now? Did he really believe his own statement regarding us? Either he did not believe his own statement about us, or, if he did believe it, then his ignorance is not only culpable, but contemptible; for a moment’s glance at the authorities quoted by him would have convinced him of his error. There is no use in mincing matters with this Regius  Professor. His loud sounding titles give him no license to misrepresent. While teaching respectable young men he takes his authorities at second hand from tainted sources; and, from false premises thus acquired he draws false conclusions, and sets them before his students as truths admitted by Catholics themselves.

Instead of giving them reliable information, he crams them with error and with prejudices, and sends them on their mission, blind leaders of the blind, with, of course, the usual result. If our doctrines be false, surely they can be refuted without being misrepresented; and if they be true, Dr. Salmon and his young men have a very vital interest in knowing what they really are. ‘The main point is,’ he says, ‘that, if the list of necessary truths is so short, the necessity for an infallible guide disappears.’ The main point is just the reverse, for the list of necessary truths is not so short, and the necessity for an infallible guide does not, therefore, disappear. But Dr. Salmon must be again reminded that our argument for the infallible guide is grounded, not on its necessity at all, but on God’s express revelation of it.

It is our duty to take the truth from God, not to ask Him the reason why; though the conflicting opinions held by the leaders of Dr. Salmon’s Church on the most vital doctrines of Christianity afford a very strong presumptive proof of the necessity of an infallible guide for a much shorter creed than ours. A day will come for Dr. Salmon when he shall know a good deal more theology than he seems to know now; and as it is just possible that such knowledge may come too late, it may be more prudent for him to consider seriously in time whether in ‘dispensing with the guidance of the Church of Rome’ he may not be in reality casting in his lot with the heathen and the publican. He says his object is not victory but truth, and here is a matter in which truth and victory go hand in hand.

Not content with misrepresenting Father Furniss  as to the list of necessary truths, Dr. Salmon seeks to bring ridicule on him for attempting to determine such a list at all. He says: ‘And we may think it strange that a modem writer has succeeded in doing what the writers of the New Testament tried to do, and are said to have failed in’ (page 96). Here he tells his students that the writers of the New Testament tried to draw up a complete list of necessary truths, to be, of course, handed down in the New Testament; and he insinuates, that we hold they failed in the attempt. Now, we deny emphatically, that the writers of the New Testament had any such intention, and they could not be said to have failed in doing what they never attempted to do. The Doctor offers no proof of his statement, except his confident assertion.

It was certainly, [he says], the object of the New Testament writers to declare the truths necessary to salvation. St. John (xx. 31) tells us his object in writing: ‘These are written that ye might believe that Jesus is the Christ the Son of God; and that believing ye might have life through His name ’ (page 96).

Now this assertion, and the text offered to prove it, fall far short of the Doctor’s case. It is necessary for him to show that the object of the New Testament writers was to declare in their writings, all the truths necessary to salvation. The text of St. John refers to the Incarnation only, and it may be presumed that Dr. Salmon believes at least in the Trinity. As already stated, the New Testament writings were called forth by circumstances. In one place it was necessary to counteract the tendency to Judaising; in another place, the false principles of Pagan philosophy bad to be checked; in another piece professing Christians had to be censured for their wicked lives, or for the dissensions that were springing up amongst them. To meet such emergencies was the object of the writers of the New Testament, as Dr. Salmon is well aware. To this object their writings are mainly directed, and not in all these writings, taken together, have we stated the complete body of Christian faith. The Apostles, no doubt, declared to their followers all the truths necessary to salvation, but they did not insert all these truths in the inspired writings that have come down to us, and Dr. Salmon has not an atom of proof to the contrary.  And, though he has offered no proof whatever, he proceeds, as if his case had been indisputably established, to say: —

Yet we are required to believe that these Apostles and Evangelists, who wrote under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, performed their task so badly, that one who should have recourse to their pages for guidance is more likely than not to go astray, and is likely to find nothing but perplexity and error. Strange indeed that inspired writers should fail in their task. Stranger still that writers who claim no miraculous assistance, should be able to accomplish it in a half-a-dozen lines (pages 96, 97).

No such extravagant demand is made on Dr. Salmon, at least by Catholics. We leave him in the full enjoyment of that liberty to believe, or not to believe, which his own Church gives. But if he make a ridiculous hypothesis, what follows from it must be his own affair. Catholics do not say that everything in Scripture is obscure and difficult; that no revealed truths are stated plainly in it; but they do say that the whole of God’s revelation is not contained in it; whilst the conflicting Creeds professedly deduced from it, by men as earnest and ‘prayerful’ as Dr. Salmon, afford conclusive proof, that there is a great deal in Scripture that is obscure, and that a great many have gone astray, and have found little but ‘perplexity and error ’ for making to find their faith from it alone. The following extract is recommended to Dr. Salmon’s consideration: —

Whence come the separation of antagonistic Churches and the multiplicity of dissentient sects? The Romanist reads the Bible, and he finds in it the primacy of Peter, the supremacy of the Church, and the direction to ‘do penance’ for the forgiveness of sins. The Protestant reads it, and he discovers that Rome is the ‘mystic Babylon,’ the ‘mother of harlots,’ the ‘abomination of desolation.’ The Sacerdotalist reads it, and he sees priestly supremacy, Eucharistic Sacrifice, and Sacramental Salvation. The Protestant cannot find in it the faintest trace of Sacerdotalism, nor any connexion whatever between offering an actual sacrifice and the holy memorial of the Supper of the Lord. The Congregationalist reads it, and regards Sacerdotalism as an enormous apostacy from the meaning and spirit of the Gospel, and comes away convinced that every believer is his own all-sufficient priest. The Baptist looks into it, and thinks that in Baptism true believers must go under the water as adults. Most other Christians think that infants should be baptised, and that sprinkling is sufficient. Cromwell and his Roundheads read it, and saw everywhere the Lord of Hosts leading on his followers to battle. The Quaker reads it, and finds only the Prince of Peace, and declares ‘He that takes the sword shall perish with the sword.’ The Anglican Churchman was long persuaded that it taught the doctrine of passive obedience— the right-divine of kings to govern wrong — the Puritan dwelt on ‘binding their kings in chains and their nobles with links of iron.’ The Calvinist sees the dreadful image of wrath flaming over all its pages, and says to his enemies, ‘Our God is a consuming fire.’ The Universalist sees only the loving Heavenly Father, and explains the most awful forebodings, as Oriental tropes and pictorial rhetoric. The Mormon picks out phrases  to bolster up his polygamy. The Monogamist cries out even  against divorce. The Shaker and his congeners in all ages forbid and disparage all wedded unions whatever. [Farrar, The Bible, its Meaning and Supremacy, 2nd ed. p. 113 (might be p. 143) ]

The writer of this extract is a Protestant quite as orthodox as Dr. Salmon, and like the Doctor an enthusiastic upholder of the all-sufficiency of Scripture. When Dr. Salmon and his ‘prayerful’ friends can find so many different religions in the same Bible, they are illustrating in the clearest possible way the result that comes of ‘dispensing with the guidance of the Church of Rome.’ While discussing the necessary articles of faith, Dr. Salmon introduces the distinction between explicit and implicit faith, and uses it, with his wonted cleverness, to blindfold his students while professing to enlighten them. ‘No one,’ he says truly, ‘is so unreasonable as to expect ordinary members of the Church to be acquainted with all the decisions of Popes and Councils’ (page 91); and he goes on to enumerate some decisions that are difficult and obscure; and he states that, though it would be unreasonable to expect Catholics to know them, ‘they are nevertheless obliged to believe them.’

And again he adds: ‘Of these and such like propositions which an unlearned Catholic is bound to believe he is not in the least expected to know even the meaning . . . He must believe that the Church teaches true doctrines but he need not know what these doctrines are’ (page 92). If Dr. Salmon, before making the above statements, had explained to his students, the distinction between explicit and implicit faith, and applied it, his remarks would have lost their sting; but he allowed his statement to produce a false impression on his students, and then, he introduced the distinction in order to produce another impression even more false and detrimental. He told them that ordinary Catholics were bound to believe what they could not be expected to know, and, without a word of explanation, he quotes Cardinal Newman as an authority for this statement.

Dr. Newman, [he says], has been so good as to furnish me with an example. ‘What sense,’ he asks, ‘can a child or a peasant, nay, or any ordinary Catholic, put upon the Tridentine Canons? . . . Yet the doctrinal enunciations,’ he adds, ‘are de fide. Peasants are bound to believe them as well as controversialists, and to believe them as truly as they believe our Lord to be God (page 91).

It must have been a source of great satisfaction to Dr. Salmon’s theologians, to find us convicted of such irreligious extravagance, and that too on the authority of Cardinal Newman. But their professor did not tell them that the quotation was taken from an objection which Newman proposed to himself; and still less did he think of telling them that Newman had answered the objection. It is difficult to suppress one’s feeling in dealing with such dishonest controversy as this. The Fifth chapter of the Grammar of Assent is the only one that is strictly speaking theological; and in its Third Section, Newman undertakes to deal with ‘a familiar charge against the Catholic Church in the mouths of her opponents, that she imposes on her children, as matters of faith, . . .   a great number of doctrines, which none but professed theologians can understand.’ [p. 138] The principle of the objection was urged long since by Jeremy Taylor, but Cardinal Newman expands it, and urges it with his wonted candour and ability.

That Dr. Salmon should have borrowed his objection from Newman, is quite intelligible; for Newman was sure to put it with more precision, and with greater force than the Doctor himself could command; but that he should have led his students to believe that he was quoting Newman’s teaching instead of Newman’s objection; that he should have altogether suppressed Newman’s answer; all this is, perhaps, one of the most glaring and discreditable specimens of even Dr. Salmon’s controversial tactics. The Doctor could not have acted in good faith in thus misrepresenting Newman, for Newman distinctly states that he is putting an objection, and he states with equal distinctness that he answers the objection. In the very first sentence of the paragraph from which Dr. Salmon quotes, Newman says: ‘I will suppose the objection urged thus.’ [p. 141] The last sentence but one of the same paragraph is the one quoted by Dr. Salmon, and to it Newman adds: ‘How then are the Catholic Credenda easy, and within reach of all?’ And in the opening sentence of the very next paragraph Newman says: ‘I begin my answer to this objection by recurring to what has been already said,’ etc. (page 142).

Dr. Salmon, therefore, could not have mistaken the matter. He must have seen that Newman was putting an objection, and had given an answer (for Newman says so clearly and unmistakably). And yet, he puts before his students the words of the objection as Newman’s teaching, which could only be got from the answer, to which he makes no reference whatever. Conduct of this sort needs no comment. No one has more reason to complain of the Doctor than his own students. He is indeed treating them badly. It is worth while to give Newman’s answer at some length, for besides vindicating the Cardinal, it completely disposes of Dr. Salmon’s second-hand sophistry. Dr. Newman makes some preliminary remarks on the relations between theological truths and the devotions that are grounded on them. Hi explain  how the intellect acts on the deposit of faith, examining it, and systematising it into the science of Theology. He shows how the condemnation of false doctrines, as well as the definitions of true doctrines, enter among the Catholic Credenda, and he says: —

But then the question recurs, why should the refutation of heresy be our objects of faith? if no mind, theological or not, can believe what it cannot understand, in what sense can the Canons of Councils and other ecclesiastical determinations, be included in those Credenda, which the Church presents to every Catholic, and to which every Catholic gives his firm interior assent?

This is a re-statement of the objection, and the answer is as follows: —

In solving this difficulty I wish it first observed, that if it is the duty of the Church to act as the pillar and ground of the truth, she is manifestly obliged from time to time and to the end of time, to denounce opinions incompatible with that truth, whenever able and subtle minds within her communion venture to publish such opinions. Suppose certain bishops and priests at this day began to teach that Islamism or Buddhism was a direct and immediate revelation from God, she would be bound to use the authority which God has given her to declare that such a proposition will not stand with Christianity, and that those who hold it are none of hers; and she would be bound to impose such a declaration on that very knot of persons, who had committed themselves to the novel proposition, in order that, if they would not recant, they might be separated from her communion as they were separate from her faith. In such a case, then, her masses of population would either not hear of the controversy, or they would at once take part  with her, and without effort take any test, which secured the exclusion of the innovators; and she, on the other hand, would feel that what is a rule for some Catholics must be a rule for all. Who is to draw the line, who is to acknowledge it, and who is not?

It is plain there cannot be two rules of faith in the same communion; or, rather, as the case really would be, an endless variety of rules coming into force according to the multiplication of heretical theories, and to the degrees of knowledge, and of sentiment in individual Catholics. There is but one rule of faith for all, and, it would be a greater difficulty, to allow of an uncertain  rule of faith than (if that was the alternative as it is not) to impose upon uneducated minds a profession which they cannot understand. But it is not the necessary result of unity of profession, nor is it the fact that, the Church imposes dogmatic statements on the interior assent of those who cannot apprehend them. The difficulty is removed by the dogma of the Church’s Infallibility, and of the consequent duty of implicit faith in her word. The ‘One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church,’ is an article of the Creed, and an article which, inclusive of her Infallibility, all men, high and low, can easily master and accept with a real operative assent.

It stands in the place of all abstruse propositions in a Catholic mind; for to believe in her word is virtually  to believe m them all. Even what he cannot understand, at least, he can believe to be true; and he believes it to be true because he believes in the Church. The rationale for unlearned devotion is as follows: — It stands to reason that all of us, learned and unlearned, are bound to believe the whole revealed doctrine, in all its parts, and in all that it implies, according as portion after portion is brought home to our conscience as belonging to it; and it also stands to reason that a doctrine so deep and so various as the revealed depositum of faith, cannot be brought home to us and made our own all at once.

No mind, however large, however penetrating, can directly, and fully by one act, understand any one truth however simple. What can be more intelligible than that ‘Alexander conquered Asia,’ or that ‘Veracity is a duty,’ but what a multitude of propositions is included under either of these theses! Still if we profess either we profess all that it includes. Thus as regards the Catholic Creed, if we really believe that our Lord is God, we believe all that is meant by such a belief; or else we are not in earnest when we profess to believe the proposition. In the act of believing it at all, we forthwith commit ourselves by anticipation to believe truths which at present we do not believe, because they have never come before us. We limit, henceforth, the range of our private judgment in prospect by the conditions, whatever they are, of that dogma. Thus the Arians said that they believed in our Lord’s divinity, but when they were pressed to confess His eternity, they denied it; thereby showing, in fact, that they never bad believed in His divinity at all. In other words, a man who really believes in our Lord’s proper divinity, believes implicite in  His eternity.

And so in like manner of the whole depositum of faith or the revealed word; if we believe in the revelation we believe in what is revealed, in all that is revealed, however it may be brought home to us, by reasoning or in any other way. He who believes that Christ is the truth, and that the Evangelists are truthful, believes all that He has said through them, although he has only read St. Matthew and has not read St. John. He who believes in the depositum of revelation, believes in all the doctrines of the depositum; and since he cannot know them all at once, he knows some doctrines and does not know others; he may know only the Creed; nay, perhaps, only the chief portions of the Creed; but whether he knows little or much, he has the intention of believing all that there is to believe, whenever, and as soon as it is brought home to him, if he believes in revelation at all. All that he knows now as revealed, and all that he shall know, and all that there is to know, he embraces it all in his intention by one act of faith; otherwise, it is but an accident that he believes this or that, not because it is a revelation.

This virtual, interpretative, or prospective belief, is called to believe implicite, and it follows from this, that, granting that the canons of councils and other ecclesiastical documents and confessions, to which I have referred, are really involved in the depositum or revealed word, every Catholic in accepting the depositum, does implicite accept these dogmatic decisions. I say ‘granting these various propositions are virtually contained in the revealed word,’ for, this is the only question left, and that it is to be answered in the affirmative, is clear at once to the Catholic, from the fact that the Church declares them to belong to it. To her is committed the care and the interpretation of the revelation. The word of the Church is the word of revelation.

That the Church is the infallible oracle of truth is the fundamental dogma of the Catholic religion; and ‘I believe what the Church proposes to be believed’ is an act of real assent, including all particular assents, notional and real; and while it is possible for unlearned as well as learned, it is imperative on learned as well as unlearned. And thus it is that by believing the word of the Church implicite — that is, by believing all that that word does or shall declare itself to contain — every Catholic, according to his intellectual capacity, supplements the shortcomings of his knowledge, without blunting his real assent to what is elementary, and takes upon himself, from the first, the whole truth of revelation, progressing from one apprehension of it to another, according to his intellectual opportunities. [Grammar of Assent, pp. 144-149]

This is Newman’s answer to the ‘familiar charge against the Catholic Church,’ which Dr. Salmon told his students was Newman’s own teaching. If the Doctor had read this for his students, they would have seen at once that he was as unfair to Newman as he was to the Catholic Church. The Catholic, then, believes in truths which he does not know, but only with implicit faith, which is only another way of saying that he is really sincere and logical in his explicit faith. Explicit faith is the assent we give to truths that are actually present to our minds — known to us. These truths very often include, imply, much more than is actually before our minds; but if we be really sincere in our explicit belief of the main truth, we take in also all that logically follows from it. As Newman says: ‘We limit henceforth the range of our private judgment in reference to that truth, and are prepared to take in, by faith, the fuller meaning of it, when the knowledge of that fuller meaning is acquired.’

In that fuller meaning, not yet known to us, we are said to have implicit faith. It is, then, a virtual, interpretative assent, implied, contained, in our actual assent to the truth which we believe explicitly; and, if we were so disposed as to exclude this implicit belief, we should, by the very fact, be shown to be insincere in our profession of explicit faith, to have no real faith in the truth which we professed to hold explicitly. When, therefore, uneducated Catholics are said to believe the decrees of councils, obscure definitions of dogma, and condemnations of errors, the meaning is that Catholics, one and all, no matter how little educated, believe openly and explicitly in the authority and infallibility of the Church; and by this act of explicit faith they take in and believe implicitly all that the Church teaches, and they condemn and reject all that she rejects and condemns. All this Dr. Salmon could have seen — he must have seen it — in the section of the Grammar of Assent, from which he took his quotation. But be did not tell his students that he saw it — of course, in the interest of truth.

And in reality Dr. Salmon’s own students are doing daily, the very same thing which he taught them to consider so extravagant and so impious in us. They profess to believe in the Bible, and let us hope they are sincere; but it is surely not uncharitable to suppose that there are more truths in it than they are aware of. Are they prepared to believe these truths when they come to know them? If so, they are in a state of mind similar to that which their Regius  Professor condemns in us. If they are not prepared to believe  them, then they are in a much worse state of mind— prepared to reject God’s revelation, and, of course, to take the consequences.

Dr. Salmon proceeds to illustrate implicit faith by a ridiculous story of the Fides carbonarii, which his highly intelligent audience most have enjoyed very much, probably regarding it as a ‘new definition’ by ‘the Church of Rome. ‘Such faith as this,’ he adds, ‘is held to be sufficient for saltation’ (page 93). Such faith is not held to be sufficient by Catholics certainly, but probably even stranger things are held by those who are outside the Church, ‘carried away by every wind of doctrine.’ Again, according to Dr. Salmon, a Catholic ‘may hold two opposite doctrines, the one explicitly, the other implicitly. . . .  In this case it is held, his implicit true faith will save him, notwithstanding his explicit false faith’ (page 93). What does Dr. Salmon mean by ‘false faith’[?] Faith comes to us on the authority of God revealing, and surely He can reveal nothing false.

One of the ‘opposite doctrines,’ therefore, is only an opinion and the explicit rejection of a doctrine by anyone, brings into grave doubt the reality of his belief in the doctrine in which the rejected one is supposed to be implicitly contained Cardinal Newman has put it clearly in the extract already quoted. ‘It is in this way,’ Dr. Salmon says (that is by holding opposite doctrines), ‘that the early Fathers are defended when their language is directly opposed to decisions since made by Rome’ (page 93). The Fathers named would have spurned the Doctor’s defence of them. He has prudently abstained from giving any reference to their words, hut neither of them has used anywhere any words that would warrant Dr. Salmon’s silly charge of ‘material heresy,’ against them. But [we]  shall hear more of his reference to them later on.

The real aim of all this wretched, wearying, sophistry is to make a show of disproving the Infallibility of the Church, or at least of bringing that doctrine into doubt. Dr. Salmon understood his young theologians of Trinity very well. With them it was an easy matter to discredit Catholic doctrine. The more grotesque the caricature of Catholic doctrine, the more likely it was to take with this ‘audience all one way of thinking,’ and that the Doctor’s own way. There was no fear of contradiction, no risk of inconvenient cross-examination. All through his lectures he is impressing on the students, on the one hand, that our argument for the Infallibility of the Church is its necessity, and on the other hand, that our profession of faith is so meagre, that there can  be no need of an infallible guide to arrive at it, and to retain it. Now, it has been proved already that Dr. Salmon misrepresents both our argument and our doctrine. We believe in the Infallibility of the Church, because God has expressly revealed that doctrine; and we believe in all the Church teaches, because God has commanded us to believe it. And this divine command to hear the Church binds Dr. Salmon and his theologians quite as stringently as it binds us.

Bearing this in mind, we can appreciate the following pretty specimen of his logic. ‘If our readiness to believe all that God has revealed, without knowing it, is enough for our salvation, there is an end to the pretence that it was necessary for the salvation of the world that God should provide means to make men infallibly know the truth.’ But now, ‘if our readiness to believe . . . without knowing ’ is not enough for our salvation, what provision is Dr. Salmon prepared to make for us? We are bound to know as well as believe all that the Church proposes to us — the principal mysteries, the Creed, the Sacraments, the Commandments, etc., and if, through our own fault, we are ignorant of these, ‘our readiness to believe without knowing ‘ can avail us nothing. And Dr. Salmon was not ignorant of our obligation in this matter when he so misrepresented it — ‘There is an end,’ he says, ‘of the pretence that it was necessary . . . that God should provide means to make men infallibly know the truth.’ The pretence is all his own. No Catholic ever maintained that ‘God should provide means to make men infallibly know the truth.’ He has provided means to enable men, certainly, to know the truth, but He has not deprived them of their liberty; their wills are free, and therefore, though they can know the truth, they are at liberty to reject it. And Dr. Salmon, not content with exercising this liberty himself, is labouring to get others to follow his example, and while doing so his logic is as unsound as his theology.

Here, [he says], is a specimen of what Roman Catholics call an act of faith: ‘O my God, because Thou art true, and hast revealed it, I believe that Thou art One God; I believe that in Thy Godhead there are three Persons; I believe that Thy Son Jesus, became man and died for us; I believe that Thou wilt reward the good in heaven and punish the wicked in hell; I believe all that the Catholic Church teaches; and in this belief I will live and die.’ In other words, this act of faith, is a profession of explicit belief in the four great truths of faith, ‘and of implicit belief in all the teaching of the Church’ (page 97).

Now, Dr. Salmon by extending his search somewhat could have found in Catholic prayer-books acts of faith much shorter than the one quoted. He could have found the following: — ‘O my God, I believe in Thee; I adore Thee; I hope in Thee; I love Thee; I am sorry for all my sins; I will never offend Thee any more.’ Now here is an act of faith, hope, and charity, with an act of adoration, an act of contrition, and a purpose of amendment; and all taken together are much shorter than the act of faith submitted to his theologians by Dr. Salmon. But Catholics in making such acts, have explicitly before their minds a great deal more than these words express. No Catholic regards such acts as a full and adequate profession of faith. Of this no one can be ignorant who has read even the most elementary Catholic catechism. Dr. Salmon must have known it, even from Father Furniss. His object in attributing to us so short a creed is, to show that there can be no need of an infallible teacher. But he has another object also here. ‘Now’ he says, ‘substitute the word “Bible” for the word “Church,” and a Protestant is ready to make the same profession. He will declare his belief in the four truths already enumerated, and in all that the Bible teaches’ (pages 97, 98).

This special pleading of Dr. Salmon breaks down at every point. The profession of faith given does not satisfy the obligation of either Catholic or Protestant. Each is bound to a great deal more of explicit faith. The Catholic is bound to know more, and he can learn it with the required certainty from the Church. The Protestant is bound to know more, and he cannot learn it with the required certainty from the Bible. There can be no faith explicit or implicit without a sufficient motive, — that is the authority of God brought home to the believer by a competent witness. The authority of God is brought home to the Catholic by the Church — the infallible interpreter of God’s revelation. Her teaching has never varied, she has never contradicted herself; she teaches all her children the same truths. The Catholic’s faith, both explicit and implicit, is fixed and definite, and for both he has the same adequate motive. But when Dr. Salmon’s substitution of ‘Bible’ for ‘Church’ is made, what does the altered profession mean in the mouth of a Protestant? It means that he professes to believe all that he thinks the Bible teaches.

Now, unless the real meaning of the Bible be, what the Protestant thinks it is, he does not really believe in God’s revelation at all. If you put on the words of anyone a sense different from that person’s own, they are no longer the person’s words but your own. And this is true of God’s word, as well as of man’s word. Unless, then, you put on God’s word, the true sense — His own sense — you are not really believing in God at all. You are believing yourself instead. God is not your authority; you are your own authority. Now how can a Protestant be certain that the real meaning of the Bible is what he thinks it is, when he finds ninety-nine per cent of his neighbours contradicting him, and contradicting one another, as to its meaning on the most vital and important truths supposed to be contained in it? In England alone there are nearly three hundred contradictory creeds, all supposed to be taken from the same Bible, by ‘prayerful men.’ They all profess to ‘believe all that the Bible teaches,’ but they do not ‘make the same profession of faith.’ This is the result of the substitution of ‘Bible’ for ‘Church,’ and it is a most instructive illustration of the wisdom of that substitution. Another important result of the substitution of ‘Bible’ for ‘Church’ is the following: —

In fact if it were even true that a belief in Roman Infallibility is necessary to salvation a Protestant would be safe. For, since he believes implicitly everything God has revealed, if God has revealed Roman Infallibility, he believe[s]  that too (page 98).

Dr. Salmon’s young men must have been startled by the announcement that they were in proximate danger of believing ‘Roman Infallibility’; but since in believing the Bible they really believe only in themselves, and as they are not individually infallible, nor prejudiced in favour of Roman doctrines, there are no good grounds for apprehending that awkward result of their professor’s wonder- working theory of implicit faith. The Doctor asks,

If a Roman Catholic may be saved who actually contradicts the teaching of his Church because he did not in intention oppose himself to her, why may not a Protestant be saved in like manner who is sincerely and earnestly desirous to believe all that God has revealed in the Scripture, and who has learned from the Scripture those four great truths of faith and many others which make wise unto salvation, even if there be some points on which he has wrongly interpreted the teaching of Scripture? (page 98).

The Doctor gives his Protestant friend credit for most acute spiritual intuition when he puts his shortcomings so lightly: — ‘Even if there be some points on which be has wrongly interpreted the teaching of Scripture.’ It would be much less difficult to count the ‘points,’ on which he would have rightly interpreted the teaching of Scripture. But the Doctor’s difficulty is a phantom. The Catholic may be saved if he believe with supernatural faith, in the truths named by Dr. Salmon, provided his ignorance of the other truths of faith be inculpable, and provided also that he he free from mortal sin. And a Protestant may be saved on exactly the same conditions. But then, the Doctor must see, that such a case is most exceptional, and that the doctrine of Infallibility is not affected by it [at] all.

The Protestant and the Catholic are bound to know and believe a great deal more than Dr. Salmon takes for gradated, and the real question, which he cleverly ignores, is whether the Catholic is not more likely to get the required knowledge from the Infallible Church, than the Protestant is to get it from the Bible, interpreted by his fallible self? The Catholic relies on God’s explicit repeated promise to guard His Church from error in her teaching. Dr. Salmon relies on the spiritual intuition of the ‘prayerful man,’ though Scripture, tradition, experience, and common sense, contradict him. Conflicting creeds, almost innumerable, are the direct result of the substitution of Bible for Church as recommended by Dr. Salmon, and his special pleading cannot obscure that notorious fact.

Dr. Salmon has a way of disposing of Church authority, which his students must have regarded as decisive. If the Catholic theory be correct, then Dr. Salmon maintains that the Church, so far from being a guide to salvation, is an obstruction, a source of ruin to souls. Every fresh definition narrows the way to heaven, and things would have been better ‘if the Church had but held her peace.’ ‘I cannot help remarking,’ he says, ‘in passing, how this theory represents the Church not as helping men on their heavenly way, but as making the way of salvation more difficult. Every fresh interposition of her authority closes up some way to heaven which had been open before’ (page 94).

And he illustrates this by the dogmas of the Immaculate Conception and Papal Infallibility, which people were free to hold or reject before the definition, but which they are now bound to believe, ‘on peril of forfeiting their salvation.’ Now we shall invite the Doctor to go back some centuries in our history in order to test his argument. Let him test it at the time that our Blessed Lord Himself lived on earth. Dr. Salmon cannot deny that a greater measure of explicit faith has been necessary since our Lord’s coming than was required before. Therefore, according to the Doctor’s logic, the way of salvation has been only made more difficult. His coming ‘closed up’ a way to heaven which had been open before; and it would have been better that He had not come at all! The Regius Professor of Trinity is, no doubt, a great man, but he was not consulted as to the conditions on which souls are to be saved. He must take from God the terms of salvation, just as humbly as the college scavenger. The Church is just what her Divine Founder made her. She is executing the commission she received from Him. Her mission is to teach the truth, not to please Dr. Salmon; and the Doctor’s picture of her work and office is a caricature, a daub.

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Photo credit: George Salmon, from Cassell’s universal portrait gallery: no later than 1895 [public domain / Wikimedia Commons]
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Summary: Jeremiah Murphy, D.D. made a devastating reply to anti-Catholic George Salmon’s rantings in a multi-part review in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record in 1901-1902.
March 12, 2023

. . . In Which Dr. Salmon Accuses Cardinal Newman of Lying Through His Teeth in His Essay on Development, & Dr. Murphy Magnificently Defends Infallibility and Doctrinal Development Against Gross Caricature


The book, The Infallibility of the Church (1888) by Anglican anti-Catholic polemicist George Salmon (1819-1904), may be one of the most extensive and detailed — as well as influential — critiques of the Catholic Church ever written. But, as usual with these sorts of works, it’s abominably argued and relentlessly ignorant and/or dishonest, as the critique below will amply demonstrate and document.

The most influential and effective anti-Catholic Protestant polemicist today, “Dr” [???] James White, cites Salmon several times in his written materials, and regards his magnum opus as an “excellent” work. In a letter dated 2 November 1959, C. S. Lewis recommended the book to an inquirer who was “vexed” about papal infallibility. Russell P. Spittler, professor of New Testament at Fuller Theological Seminary, wrote that “From an evangelical standpoint,” the book “has been standard since first published in 1888” (Cults and Isms, Baker Book House, 1973, 117). Well-known Baptist apologist Edward James Carnell called it the “best answer to Roman Catholicism” in a 1959 book. I think we can safely say that it is widely admired among theological (as well as “emotional”) opponents of the Catholic Church.

Prominent Protestant apologist Norman Geisler and his co-author Ralph MacKenzie triumphantly but falsely claim, in a major critique of Catholicism, Roman Catholics and Evangelicals: Agreements and Differences (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1995, 206-207, 459), that Salmon’s book has “never really been answered by the Catholic Church,” and call it the “classic refutation of papal infallibility,” which also offers “a penetrating critique of Newman’s theory.”
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Salmon’s tome, however, has been roundly refuted at least twice: first, by Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record (March / May / July / September / November 1901 and January / March 1902): a response (see the original sources) — which I’ve now transcribed almost in its totality — which was more than 73,000 words, or approximately 257 pages; secondly, by Bishop Basil Christopher Butler (1902-1986) in his book, The Church and Infallibility: A Reply to the Abridged ‘Salmon’ (1954, 230 pages). See all of these replies — and further ones that I make — listed under “George Salmon” on my Anti-Catholicism web page. But no Protestant can say that no Catholic has adequately addressed (and refuted) the egregious and ubiquitous errors in this pathetic book. And we’ll once again see how few (if any) Protestants dare to counter-reply to all these critiques.
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See other installments of the series:

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 1 [3-10-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 3 . . . In Which Our Sophist-Critic Massively Misrepresents Cardinal Newman and Utterly Misunderstands the Distinction Between Implicit and Explicit Faith [3-12-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 4 . . . In Which Dr. Salmon Sadly Reveals Himself to be a Hyper-Rationalistic Pelagian Heretic, and Engages in Yet More Misrepresentation of Development of Doctrine and Cardinal Newman’s Statements and Positions [3-15-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 5: Private Judgment, the Rule of Faith, and Dr. Salmon’s Weak Fallible Protestant “Church”: Subject to the Whims of Individuals; Church Fathers Misquoted [3-15-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 6: The Innumerable Perils of Perspicuity of Scripture and Private Judgment [3-16-23]

Irish Ecclesiastical Record vs. Anti-Catholic George Salmon, Pt. 7 [3-16-23]

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Vol. IX: May 1901
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Dr. Salmon’s ‘Infallibility’ (Part 2)
Rev. Dr. Jeremiah Murphy, D.D.
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[I have made a few paragraph breaks not found in the original. Citations in smaller font are instead indented, and all of Dr. Salmon’s words will be in blue. Words of St. John Henry Cardinal Newman will be in green]
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Dr. Salmon’s second lecture is on ‘The Cardinal Importance of the Question of Infallibility.’ ‘The truth is,’ he says, ‘that the issues of the controversy mainly turn on one great question, which is the only one that I expect to be able to discuss with you: I mean the question of the Infallibility of the Church. If that be decided against us, our whole case is gone’ (page 17). And the book itself is named The Infallibility of the Church: and yet, in the opening sentence of the twenty-second lecture (page 424) he says, ‘the question of the Infallibility of the Pope is that with which I am directly concerned in this course of lectures.’ This is an ordinary instance of the confusion that is manifested, all through Dr. Salmon’s book; and, even without studying the volume, one may safely infer, that the Infallibility of either Church or Pope, is not likely to suffer much from the attack of one, who really does not know which of the two he is assailing.

Random shooting of this sort is not likely to be effective. Perhaps, however, it was his keen attention to our movements that made him so oblivious of his own; and notwithstanding the indefiniteness of his aim, he is sanguine of success. We are, according to him, impervious to argument; continually changing our ground; retreating from one post to another; and our present condition, he says, is this: ‘The Romish champions, beaten out of the open field, have shut themselves up in this fortress of Infallibility, where, as long as their citadel remains untaken, they can defy all assaults’ (page 46). Our fate is, however, sealed; for he says: —

But, though it is on the first view, disappointing, that our adversaries should withdraw themselves into a position, seemingly inaccessible to argument, it is really, as I shall presently show, a mark of our success, that they have been driven from the open field and forced to betake themselves into this fortress. And we have every encouragement to follow them and assault their citadel, which is now their last refuge (page 24).

And the Doctor contemplates with delight, the prospect of our immediate annihilation, saying: — ‘This simplification then of the controversy realises for us the wish of the Roman tyrant, that all his enemies had but one neck. If we can but strike one blow the whole battle is won’ (page 18). Dr. Salmon is in a very heroic state of mind; and, as he is a veteran in the service, his students must have expected wonderful results, when he is let loose on the Catholic Church. Well, the siege has gone on for a long time, and the fortress bolds out defiantly still. No flag of truce has been raised, no signal of distress has been seen. And Dr. Salmon may rest assured, that when he shall have been gathered to his fathers, and his book quite forgotten, that fortress will still stand secure. She has a higher warrant than Dr. Salmon’s to ensure her triumph over the gates of hell.

Dr. Salmon has a theory of the Church, which, if he could only establish it on a solid basis, would save him a great deal of labour, and would completely remove the necessity of disproving Infallibility. He sees no reason why the Church should not be a plastic institution which would change with the times, and adapt itself to the habits of good society. He says: —

May it not be supposed for example that He (God) wisely ordained that the constitution of His Church should receive modifications, to adapt it to the changing exigencies of society; that in times when no form of government but monarchy was to he seen anywhere, it was necessary, if His Church was to make head successfully against the prevalent reign of brute force, that all its powers should he concentrated in a single hand: but that when, with the general spread of knowledge, men refused to give unreasoning submission to authority, and claimed the right to exercise some judgment of their own, in the conduct of their affairs, the constitution of the Church needed to be altered in order to bring it into harmony with the political structure of modern society (pages 40, 41).

Again: —

Let us liberally grant, that an ecclesiastical monarchy was the form of government best adapted to the needs of the Church at the time, when, in temporal matters, the whole civilized world was governed by a single ruler; and yet it might be utterly unfit for her requirements, in subsequent times, when Europe had been broken up into independent kingdoms; and we might be as right now, in disowning Papal authority as our ancestors wore in submitting to it (page 369).

This is none of your cast-iron Romanism, but an up-to-date progressive Church, marching hand in hand with civilization, and never offending against good manners by insisting on any definite articles of faith as necessary conditions of membership. Such a weather-cock Church would be sufficiently fallible to satisfy even Dr. Salmon and his pupils, and would have the unique advantage of showing that they are as right in rejecting Catholic doctrines as their ancestors were in professing them. On reading such passages one is forcibly reminded of St. Hilary’s indignant exclamation (Ad Const) — 0, tu sceleste quod ludibrium de Ecclesia fads? [“0, you are a criminal who makes fun of the Church?”]

Dr. Salmon is quite right in insisting on the ‘cardinal importance of the question of Infallibility.’ If the Church be infallible, that doctrine is a sufficient warrant for the truth of every other doctrine she teaches; and discussion on details becomes needless, and Catholics, who believe that doctrine, accept the Church’s teaching without the slightest difficulty or hesitation. But Dr. Salmon is not content with a priori considerations of the importance of the doctrine. He says: —

I should have been convinced of it from the history of the Roman Catholic controversy, as it has been conducted in my own lifetime. When I first came to an age to take a lively interest in the subject, Dr. Newman and his coadjutors, were publishing, in the Tracts for the Times [link], excellent refutations of the Roman doctrine on Purgatory, and on some other important points. A very few years afterwards without making the slightest attempt to answer their own arguments, these men went over to Rome, and bound them selves to believe, and teach as true, things which they had them selves proved to be false. . . . While the writers of the Tracts were assailing with success different points of Roman teaching, they allowed themselves to be persuaded, that Christ must have provided His people with some infallible guide to truth; and they accepted the Church of Rome as that guide, with scarcely an attempt to make a careful scrutiny of the grounds of her pretensions (pages 18, 19).

This unconditional surrender, Dr. Salmon attributes to the craving for an infallible guide, and ‘the craving for an infallible guide arises from men’s consciousness of the weakness of their understanding’ (page 47). It would be amusing if the matter had not been so serious to find Dr. Salmon charging Newman, Ward, Oakley, and Dalgairns, with ‘weakness of understanding,’ with going over to Rome ‘without making the smallest attempt to answer their own arguments’ against her, and with ‘scarcely an attempt to make a careful scrutiny of the grounds of her pretensions.’ Dr. Salmon frequently refers to Newman’s Essay on Development, and he may, therefore, be presumed to have read it; and on the very first page of it he could have seen a statement of the writer’s objections to Rome, and immediately following it are these words: —  ‘He little thought, when he so wrote, that the time would ever come, when he should feel the obstacle, which he spoke of as lying in the way of communion with the Church of Rome, to be destitute of solid foundation.’

Therefore, before Dr. Newman joined the Catholic Church he satisfied himself that his arguments against her were ‘destitute of solid foundation,’ though according to Dr. Salmon he did not make ‘the smallest attempt to answer’ them. Again, on the last page of the Essay, after his magnificent analysis of Patristic teaching, Newman says: ‘Such were the thoughts concerning the “Blessed Vision of Peace,” of one whose long-continued petition had been, that the Most Merciful would not despise the work of His own hands, nor leave him to himself: — while yet his eyes were dim, and his breast laden, and he could but employ reason in the things of Faith.’ And after a like analysis, in the twelfth of his Lectures on Anglican Difficulties, Newman says: —

What was the use of continuing the controversy, or defending my position, if, after all, I was but forging arguments for Arius and Eutyches, and turning devil’s advocate against the much-enduring Athanasius, and the majestic Leo? Be my soul with the saints! and shall I lift up my hand against them? Sooner may my right hand forget her cunning, and wither outright as his who once stretched it out against a prophet of God: — perish sooner a whole tribe of Cranmers, Ridleys, Latimers, and Jewels — perish the names of Bramhall, Usher, Taylor, Stillingfleet and Barrow, from the face of the earth — ere I should do aught but fall at their feet, in love, and in worship, whose image was continually before my eyes, and whose musical words were ever in my ears, and on my tongue (page 306).

To charge the writer of these magnificent passages — the writer of the Apologia — who had for years devoted all the energy of a giant mind to the earnest pursuit of truth — to charge such a man with going over blindly to Rome without an attempt to answer his own arguments against her, or to examine her claims — is a specimen of recklessness, all the more extraordinary in such a theologian as the writer of these lectures. But he has a much graver charge against Dr. Newman. In a note at page 22, he says: —

I never meant to impute to Newman insincerity in his profession of belief.

But how are we to understand the following?

When Dr. Newman became a Roman Catholic it was necessary for him, in some way, to reconcile this step with the proofs that he had previously given that certain distinctive Romish doctrines were unknown to the early Church. This is the object of the celebrated Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine, which he published simultaneously with his submission to the Roman Church (page 31). . . . The book having been written before he had yet joined them (page 33).

Now, whatever Dr. Salmon meant by the words quoted, any ordinary reader will take them to mean, that, Dr. Newman had accepted all the teaching of the Catholic Church — had become a convinced Catholic — but that he felt that some justification of his conduct was rendered necessary, by his previous career, and that in order to provide this justification he wrote the Essay on Development,  and published it simultaneously with his public reception into the Church, though he had been during the time of its composition a Catholic on conviction — not publicly, for he had not yet made his public submission, but secretly. This is the meaning of Dr. Salmon’s words. ‘When Dr. Newman became a Roman Catholic it was necessary,’ etc., therefore he was a ‘Roman Catholic,’ at least secretly, before the necessity arose for justifying his action. ‘This is the object of the essay’ etc., therefore while he was engaged in providing this justification he was a Catholic, at least secretly; and when he had his justification ready, he published it, and made his public submission to the Roman Church simultaneously.

This is the ordinary logical meaning of Dr. Salmon’s words, and if there be not a charge of ‘insincerity in the profession of belief’ conveyed by them, words have no meaning. But the charge was answered, once for all, and it is amazing that the spectre of Kingsley, on the pillory, should not have made Dr. Salmon more cautious. Dr. Newman, then, did not leave his own arguments against the Church unanswered — he pronounced them to be ‘destitute of solid foundation,’ like those of the ‘devil’s advocate’; he did not go over to Rome without inquiry; he devoted to the inquiry many years of hard study, and of constant prayer. One would expect that, as Dr. Salmon undertook to convince his students of the cardinal importance of the doctrine of Infallibility, he would have explained the doctrine to them. They could not know its importance unless they knew what it really was.

And, moreover, as he professed to be training them to refute the doctrine, he should have told them what it was. But, instead of doing so, he devotes a very long lecture to a series of mis-statements, well calculated to intensify their ignorance of Catholic teaching, and to strengthen their prejudices against the Catholic Church. Had he put the doctrine clearly and correctly before them, any student of average ability could have seen for himself that the professor’s declamation left it untouched. He said to them: ‘An infallible Church does not mean a Church which makes no mistakes, but only one which will neither acknowledge its mistakes nor correct them’ (page 111). There was no necessity for devoting twenty-three lectures to proving the fallibility of such a Church. It is openly proclaimed. But the teaching of the Catholic Church is not so easily disposed of; and in order to put that teaching clearly before him, it is necessary to call Dr. Salmon’s attention to a few facts that ought to be regarded as first principles by anyone who accepts the New Testament as a truthful record.

When our Blessed Redeemer came amongst us, He proved His divinity, the reality of His divine mission, and the consequent truth of His doctrines, by a series of extraordinary miracles, and by prophecies fulfilled in Him, and spoken by Him, and subsequently verified. For those who witnessed His miracles, and yet rejected His doctrines, there was no reasonable excuse; and He Himself frequently said so. He gathered
to Himself a number of disciples, — the nucleus of His Church — and out of the number, He selected some whom He trained specially to be the future teachers of that Church. He did not write a book which they were to study in order to learn His doctrines. He Himself, in person, taught them orally. In proof of the truth of His teaching, He frequently appealed to the works which He had done; and He exacted from His followers, full unconditional faith in His doctrine, and obedience to His moral precepts; and this faith and obedience, He exacted as a necessary condition of salvation.

This system of oral, personal teaching, our Lord continued during His earthly career; and when that career was about to close He commissioned His Apostles to continue His work and His method as well. He gave them His own authority, and sent them forth to teach as His ambassadors. They were to continue His mission, — that which He had got from His Eternal Father, — and the Holy Ghost was to be with them to ensure their success; and He promised that signs and wonders, even greater than His own, would confirm their mission. And after our Lord’s ascension, we find the Apostles carrying out their commission, both in its matter and in its manner, exactly as they were commanded. They went forth teaching the truths that bad been revealed to them; they represented themselves as His legates, teaching His doctrine, manifesting His power. The miracles they performed were, they said openly, not performed by any power of their own, but by His power and in His name.

They did not write books and hand them to their disciples to be studied by them in order to learn the truths of faith. Few of them wrote anything, and the Church was well established, and widely diffused, before any of them wrote a line at all. Like their Divine Master they taught orally, personally, the truths of faith; and like Him, too, and in His name, they exacted from their followers faith in their teaching and obedience to their moral precepts. And this obedience of faith, too, they exacted as an absolutely necessary condition of salvation. Not for any words of their own, but for God’s Word revealed to them, did the Apostles demand acceptance and faith; and they gave abundant proof of their divine commission to teach in His name; nor did they tolerate amongst their followers a rejection of any portion of their teaching, or any divergence from it. Thus, then, the first Christians believed the Word of God on the authority of God Himself; and that authority was brought home to them by ambassadors divinely commissioned to do so, and divinely assisted in doing so.

The teaching authority of the Apostles imposed on their followers the obligation of believing; the obedience of faith. There was thus an authoritative teaching body established, and the members of the Church accepted, and were bound to accept, from that teaching body the truths of faith, and moral principles, and the explanations of both. Thus was God’s Kingdom on earth established; supernatural in its origin, for it is founded by God Himself; supernatural in its life, the Spirit of God working in it through faith and grace; and supernatural in its end, which is God’s glory and man’s salvation. The kingdoms of this world change with time and die away; the kingdom of today may become the republic of tomorrow, and the pandemonium of some day in the near future. Not so the Kingdom of God. Like the mustard-seed in the Gospel, it becomes the widespreading tree, giving shelter to all that seek it; but its identity remains. It is ever the same — a living, active teaching body, and such it shall continue till its mission shall have been accomplished. When the Christian faith was for some time established, and already widely spread, the Gospels were written, giving our Lord’s personal history and some of His teachings.

The Epistles, too, were written, called forth by special circumstances, and fragmentary in doctrine. They were so far instruments of Revelation in the custody of the Church, which lived and taught as before. This was the system, the method of teaching and propagating the faith, adopted by our Lord, and continued by His Apostles. It is, therefore, the Christian method and system, and there is not in Christian antiquity the slightest grounds for any departure from that system. Such as it was, it was our Lord’s institution, and men could not change it; and such a departure from it as would strip the teaching Church of her authority, and condemn her to silence, and would substitute, as sole source and sole teacher of faith, a written book that is dumb and speaks not — such a change would be a subversion of our Lord’s institution, would be anti-Christian, a triumph for the ‘gates of hell.’

We, therefore, believe that the entire body of Revelation, the entire, complete deposit of faith, was entrusted by our Lord to His Church; that he made her its guardian, interpreter, and teacher; and that, in her office as such, He promised efficaciously to protect her against error or failure till the end of time. In virtue of this promise the Church is infallible; that is, she is exempt not merely from actual error, but from the possibility of error, in believing and in teaching the divine deposit of faith. The Christian Revelation terminated with the Apostles, and the deposit of faith comprises all that was revealed to them, and nothing that was not revealed to them. It can receive no addition; it can suffer no diminution; it is in the Church’s keeping; and she is its infallible custodian’ and teacher. The Church may be considered as a body of believers, embracing both the teachers and the taught, but regarding them as believers; and, so regarded, the Church is infallible in believing the whole deposit of faith. Whatever it believes to be of faith is so certainly, and whatever it rejects as opposed to faith is so with equal certainty.

It is thus a witness to the fact of Revelation in this sense, that the universal belief of any doctrine by the Church, as revealed, is a proof that the doctrine was revealed. This is called passive infallibility, because the Church, so regarded, does not raise its voice in controversy; its teaching must be gathered from it by the teaching body — the Ecclesia Docens. The Infallibility of the Church, in this sense, Dr. Salmon does not discuss, and it shall be alluded to only briefly here. The doctrine is clearly contained in the celebrated text of St. Matthew xvi. 18: ‘Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build My Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.’ This text, and many others bearing on the subject, have been beautifully developed by Dr. Murray in his admirable work De Ecclesia. In that work Dr. Salmon will find the arguments for our doctrine fully and ably stated, and had he read it, before delivering his lectures, he would have been able, if willing, to give his students a more accurate conception of the work before them in ‘the controversy with Rome.’

Nothing can be more certain than that our Lord wished that His doctrines should be preserved pure, and perpetuated in their purity. Often did He warn his disciples against false teachers — the leaven of the Pharisees, the Father of Lies, and his agents; and He promised them the Spirit of Truth to preserve them from error. The spirit of their Divine Master animated the Apostles also; and we find them always jealously guarding against any deflection from revealed truth. Even St. John, the Apostle of Charity, forbade his followers to speak to a believer in false doctrine. Therefore, belief in true doctrine, in its integrity and purity, must have been a vital principle of the Church; and any betrayal of truth, rejecting a true doctrine as false or accepting a false doctrine as true, would have made the Church the prey of her great enemy. But, according to St. Matthew the prey of her enemy the Church shall never be. The text speaks of the Church which our Lord was to establish, and contemplates it as a spiritual edifice of the highest degree of stability.

Its foundation is the immovable rock. Its Architect is infinite in wisdom and in power; and the purpose of its construction, one dearest to Him — to serve as a home for His chosen followers, and as a treasury for the blessings He was to leave them. Therefore must it be permanently secured against sudden destruction or gradual decay. Enemies of the most formidable kind were to assail it— in vain. Amongst the worst, the most deadly of these enemies is heresy, that would poison the source of the Church’s life. Were heresy to prevail against the Church, were she to disbelieve a true doctrine, or profess a false one, her Founder’s solemn promise would have been falsified, and Satan would have gained the victory which, according to the promise, never can be won.

This passive infallibility of the body of believers presupposes the active infallibility of the teaching body — the Ecclesia Docens. The Ecclesia Audiens is bound to accept the doctrine of the teaching body; and in its divinely guaranteed fidelity in doing so, its own infallibility consists. This active infallibility — infallibility in teaching — has a twofold seat in the Church. It exists in the body of bishops united with their head — the Pope — whether assembled in a general council or dispersed throughout the world’s wide extent; and it exists also in the Pope himself, when teaching officially, ex cathedra. Each is an article of faith, and if Dr. Salmon could disprove either, or disprove any article of faith so held, he would have simplified the controversy for his students very considerably. But he has not done so, nor even made a clever attempt to do so. He has but reproduced the old stock-in-trade of Protestant controversialists; and that, too, without rising above the usual level of such disputants. And, as already stated, he has so confused the Infallibility of Church and Pope that he does not seem to know which he is assailing. For clearness’ sake the doctrine shall then be kept distinct; thus the interests of truth will be better served, though more labour will be incurred in making order out of Dr. Salmon’s chaotic book.

The bishops of the Catholic Church, in union with the Pope, their head, whether assembled in a collected body or dispersed throughout the world, constitute the teaching body — the Ecclesia Docens — and that teaching body is infallible. This body is the infallible guardian, interpreter, and teacher of the entire deposit of faith, and of all that appertains to faith and morals; and the infallible judge of every controversy in which faith or morals are involved. Whatever it declares to be revealed, and of faith, is so certainly; and whatever it declares to be opposed to faith, or inconsistent with it, is so, with equal certainty; and in virtue of its Founder’s promise it shall continue to fulfil its divine mission as guardian, judge, and teacher of revelation till the end of time. And though the teaching Church is concerned directly with the deposit of faith, its authority extends indirectly to many things not contained in that deposit. As custodian of the faith the Church preserves her precious charge from all admixture of error, and so she detects and condemns those systems and doctrines that aim at impairing the purity of the deposit of faith. It is the shepherd’s duty not merely to feed his flock, but also to ward off the wolf from the fold.

This gift of Infallibility differs very much from Inspiration; though Dr. Salmon either intentionally or inadvertently confounds them, and, as a consequence, makes some very silly charges against us. Inspiration is the direct action of the Holy Spirit on the mind of the writer or speaker, moving him to write or speak; suggesting to him what to write or speak, and often even how to do so. The inspired teacher then is under the direct influence of the Holy Ghost moving him to write or teach what God wills him to write or teach. Infallibility is a much lower gift. The infallible teacher as such receives no interior revelation or suggestion from God. He is under no direct divine influence to teach. The Holy Ghost does not dictate to him what to say or how to say it. It is only his external utterances that are controlled, so that when he does teach officially, he can teach nothing that is not true. He is preserved from error in his teaching by a supernatural providence, an exterior over-ruling guidance of the Holy Ghost. What the inspired teacher says is the Word of God Himself, and is either a new revelation or a divine statement of a truth already known. What the infallible teacher says is a true declaration or explanation of a revelation already made. This is what we mean by the Infallibility of the Church. But Dr. Salmon of course knows our doctrine much better than we ourselves do, and in a note at page 43, he says: —

A Roman Catholic critic accuses me of forgetting that the Catholic claim is not inspiration, but only inerrancy. I consider the latter far the stronger word. In popular language the word ‘inspired,’ is sometimes used in speaking of the works of a great genius, who is not supposed to be exempt from error, but no one can imagine the utterances of a naturally fallible man to be guaranteed against possibility of error, unless he believes that man to be speaking not of his own mind, but as the inspired organ of the Holy Spirit.

This is very clever. Now Dr. Salmon in his Introduction to the New Testament, speaks of its inspiration. Does he use the word there as it is used in ‘popular language’? Ah, no. If he had so used it, there would be an end of the inspiration of the New Testament Scripture. He uses it then as a technical theological term, in its proper sense, to enable him to defend the truth of Scripture (though he does not, and on his principles cannot prove the inspiration), but he uses it here in its ‘popular’ sense — a false sense — to enable him to attribute false doctrines to us. ‘I consider it,’ he says, ‘the stronger word’ — yes; if it be taken in a false sense. And in any case, that he should ‘consider it the stronger word,’ is not a conclusive proof that it is so.

The Infallibility of the teaching Church in the sense here explained Catholics believe as an article of faith. According to Dr. Salmon our great argument for this doctrine is its necessity. ‘The great argument by which men are persuaded to believe, that there is at least somewhere or another an infallible guide, is that it is incredible that God should leave us without sure guidance when our eternal salvation is at stake’ (page 97). Now, so far from this being our ‘great argument’ it is not, in the sense indicated by Dr. Salmon, an argument at all. God could have remedied our shortcomings in many ways besides by the appointment of an infallible guide — even supposing He was bound to remedy them at all. And, again, the creed for which Dr. Salmon says we profess to require an infallible guide, is only a very small fraction of our creed, and for arriving at sufficient knowledge of the few articles contained in it, God might have provided in various ways.

But on the supposition that Christ established a Church, to which he entrusted a Revelation; that this Church was to spread all the world over, and to last till the end of time; that the Revelation was to be preserved pure and unchanged, and preached to all mankind; that it contained many doctrines opposed to human prejudices, and many mysteries impervious to human reason; that faith in this Revelation is necessary for men in order to please God and save their souls; that men are very prone to error, and especially so in matters of faith; taking all this into account the argument for the necessity of an infallible guide becomes too strong for Dr. Salmon’s carping criticism.

But our argument for the Infallibility of the Church is the express and unmistakable Revelation of that doctrine by God Himself, both in His written and unwritten Word. It is clearly contained in St. Matthew xxviii. 18, 19, 20, and in many other Scripture texts besides. And as the argument for this doctrine is given, and fully developed by most of our dogmatic theologians, and developed at great length and with special force by Dr. Murray, it will be sufficient to refer to the matter briefly here.

On the eve of our Lord’s ascension He appeared to His Apostles, and delivered to them His final charge saying: — ‘All power is given to Me in Heaven and on earth: going therefore, teach ye all nations; baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost; teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you; and behold I am with you all days even to the consummation of the world.’ [Mt 28:18-20] The object of the Apostles’ mission was to bring men to a knowledge of revealed truth and to teach them the observance of moral laws. To do this at any time, was a tremendous task for a few poor illiterate men, or for any men to undertake. And hence our Lord began His commission to them, by setting forth His own power, as the principle on which they were to rely — the source of their strength, the warrant of their success. It is as if He had said to them: — Fear not the magnitude of the task I impose upon you; but armed with My own power go out into the world; make disciples of the nations; teach them to know and require of them to believe My doctrines, and teach them to observe all My commands, and in the execution of this commission — a difficult one — I shall be with you, aiding you, directing you, protecting you, and ensuring your success for all time.

Now, whatever be the extent of this commission, it was given to the teachers of the Church, it was a teaching commission. ‘Make them disciples,’ and do so by ‘teaching them to observe,’ or rather to ‘guard with care’ (as the Greek text has it) ‘all that I have entrusted to you.’ Now, this commission and the accompanying promise were not limited to the Apostles, but were intended for their successors for all time, because (1) they were to teach all nations which the Apostles could not, or at least did not do, and (2) the work of teaching was to continue till the end of time, which necessarily supposes that others were to continue what the Apostles had begun. And the teaching commission embraced all the truths revealed to the Apostles, and extended to all men without exception: — ‘Teach all nations . . .  to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you.’ And for the successful discharge of this commission, our Lord promised His own special efficacious aid to His Apostles and their successors to ensure this success. ‘I am with you all days.’

Now, according to Scriptural usage, conclusively established by Dr. Murray, this expression, ‘I am with you,’ means a special divine efficacious aid and protection to the Apostles, ensuring the faithful discharge of their mission. And this divine assurance and pledge of success is not limited to the Apostles themselves; it is equally promised to those who are to continue the Apostles’ work till the end of time. Now, were it possible for the Church to teach false doctrines, how could the God of Truth be said to be with her, aiding her in doing so? How could He lend His efficacious positive assistance to the propagation of falsehood? Since, therefore, He has pledged Himself to be with His Church in her work of teaching, the Church’s teaching must be always true.

This is our doctrine. It is intelligible; it is consistent; it ensures to as the possession of that true faith without which salvation is impossible; it secures us against those wretched systems that make shipwreck of the faith. Isaias saw in the distant future the beauty of the Bride of the Lamb, and St. Paul described her admirable symmetry, when the reality was before him; but instead of the beauty foretold by Isaias; instead of the order and symmetry insisted on by St. Paul, heresy shows us a deformed thing, corrupt and corrupting, and asks us to recognise it as the spotless Spouse of Christ. Instead of the harmony which Scripture everywhere attributes to the Kingdom of God on earth heresy presents to us a picture of that other kingdom in which no order but everlasting horror dwells; and we are told that our Lord preached up and propped up this other Babel, and called it the Ark of His Covenant with men; that He left His Church a mistress of manifold error, and called her, at the same time, ‘the pillar, and the ground of truth.’ Surely it can be no difficult task to vindicate the God of Truth against such an imputation as this — and this imputation is the sum and substance of Dr. Salmon’s lectures.

Our dogmatic theologians give several arguments, from the written and unwritten Word of God, to prove the Infallibility of the Church; they develop those arguments at considerable length, and answer the objections both to the doctrine and to the proofs; but Dr. Salmon conveniently ignores the arguments, and repeats the objections, with as much apparent confidence as if they had never been answered. When the powers of his young controversialists come to be tested they will discover that the Doctor’s training of them was not the best. And not only does Dr. Salmon not consider our argument for Infallibility, but he actually maintains that we can have no argument at all; and that he has ‘a perfect right to put out of court all Roman Catholic attempts to prove the Infallibility of their Church, as being attempts to build a fabric without a foundation’ (page 79).

This may be a very convenient, but certainly not a very effectual way of disposing of us. But he goes further, and informs his students, that we ourselves must admit the hopelessness of our case, for ‘there is one piece of vitally important knowledge,’ he says, ‘which Roman Catholics must own, God has not given men never-failing means of attaining; I mean the knowledge [of] what is the true Church’ (page 99). Now Dr. Salmon has given in his book, as an appendix, the ‘Decrees of the Vatican Council,’ and it may therefore be presumed that he has read them. And if he has read them how could he make the extraordinary statement given above that we ourselves must admit that we have no ‘never-failing means’ of finding out what the true Church is? In the chapter on Faith he could have read — he must have read — the following: —

But in order that we may be able to satisfy our obligation of embracing the true faith, and of persevering constantly in it, God, by His only begotten Son, instituted His Church, and gave to it marks of its divine origin so manifest that it can be recognized by all as the Guardian and Teacher of His revealed Word. For to the Catholic Church alone belongs all those things, so many and so wonderful, which are divinely arranged to show the evident credibility of the Christian faith. Nay more, even the Church, considered in herself, because of her wonderful propagation, her extraordinary sanctity, and her inexhaustible richness, in all good things; because of her Catholic unity, her unconquerable stability; she is herself a great and never-failing motive of credibility, and an indisputable proof of her own divine mission.

With this text before him (page 480), which he must have read, it is amazing that Dr. Salmon should have made the extraordinary statement given above, and at the same time have supplied so readily the means of refuting his calumny. But the proof of the statement is more extraordinary still. He says: — ‘They must own that the institution of an infallible Church has not prevented the world from being overrun with heresy’ (page 100). And he develops this argument (?) at great length. Of course we own it; but what follows? Does the admission disprove Infallibility? The vast majority of those who heard our Divine Lord teaching, and who witnessed His miracles, rejected Him, called Him a demon, and cried out, ‘Crucify Him. Does this prove that He was not the Son of God?

If I had not come, and spoken to them, they would not have sin; but now they have no excuse for their sin. . . . If I had not done among them the works that no other man hath done, they would not have sin; but now they have both seen and hated both Me and My Father. [Jn 15:22-24]

They disbelieved Him, therefore, in the face of most conclusive proof of His Divinity. ‘And shall their unbelief make the faith of God without effect.’ [Rom 3:3] As well might Dr. Salmon have quoted the pagan millions of China, India, Africa, and Japan, against Christianity, as quote the prevalence of heresy against the teaching of the true Church. As the Vatican Council well and truly says the Catholic Church bears on her brow the mark of her divine institution. She is her own argument by reason of her extraordinary history. Pagan persecutors, heretics in each succeeding age, the jealous enmity of worldly powers, enemies from without and from within, she has confronted with a wisdom, a fortitude, a success that must have been divinely given. Each age has had its Dr. Salmon to asperse her, and its Dr. Cumming to predict her fall; but she, calm in the consciousness of divine protection, has gone on discharging her heavenly mission, whilst they have been wafted on the stream of time to oblivion. Such has her history been in the past, and such too shall it be in the future — always a fulfilment of her Founder’s promise to be with her ‘all days even to the end of the world.’

As already stated, Dr. Salmon does not meet the arguments of Catholic theologians in favour of the doctrine of Infallibility. He aims rather at bringing the doctrine into doubt by a series of assertions and charges, none of which really touches the doctrine at all, and most of which are false. The readers of Oliver Twist will recollect the cleverness, and the tone of lofty indignation, with which the Artful Dodger always managed to charge some one else with the crimes of which he was himself guilty. Dr. Salmon must have taken lessons from this able tactician. He says the Church of Rome is perpetually changing her doctrines, and that which changes is not true; she has been always boasting that she never changes, and she has before our eyes quite recently promulgated doctrines never heard of before. This, Dr. Salmon told his students, was a conclusive proof of her fallibility. He says: —

The idea that the doctrine of the Church of Rome is always the same is one which no one of the present day can hold without putting an enormous strain on his understanding. It used to be the boast of Romish advocates that the teaching of their Church was unchangeable. Heretics, they used to say, show by their perpetual alterations that they never have had hold of the truth. . . . Our Church, on the contrary, they said, ever teaches the same doctrine which has been handed down from the Apostles, and has since been taught ‘everywhere, always, and by all.’ Divines of our Church used to expose the falsity of this boast by comparing the doctrine now taught in the Church of Rome with that taught in the Church of early time; and thus established by historical proof that a change had occurred. But now the matter has been much simplified, for no laborious proof is necessary to show that that is not unchangeable which changes under our very eyes. This rate of change is not like that of the hour hand of a watch, which you must note at some considerable intervals of time in order to see that there has been a movement, but, rather, like that of the second hand, which you can actually see moving (pages 19, 20).

Again : —

The old theory was that the teaching of the Church had never varied. . . . No phrase had been more often on the lips of Roman controversialists than that which described the faith of the Church as what was held always, everywhere, and by all (page 33).

This was always our boast; but now the logic of facts, brought borne to us by theologians like Dr. Salmon, has compelled us to abandon this boast, and to admit that we, too, are changing with time. He says: —

You will find them now making shameless confession of the novelty of articles of their creed, and even taunting us Anglicans with the unprogressive character of our faith, because we are content to believe as the early Church believed, and as our fathers believed before us (pages 31, 32).

It is to be regretted that Dr. Salmon did not give the names of the ‘Romish advocates’ who charge Protestants with ‘the unprogressive character’ of their various creeds. The charge could certainly not be sustained, for the authors of the ‘Higher Criticism’ are all Protestants; and they have so far progressed as to have left the Bible far behind them. And it would be equally unfair to charge the Protestant Church with ‘the unprogressive character’ of her teaching, for she teaches nothing. Individual Protestants may take their creed from the Bible, or from any other source they please; but their Church cannot tell them whether they are right or wrong. She has received ‘the divine commission not to teach,’ and she is discharging it with admirable fidelity.

But now as to the Catholic Church. Dr. Salmon’s great charge is that she is boasting to be always the same, and yet is perpetually changing. If he bad given the language in which the boast is conveyed by the ‘Romish advocates,’ we should be able to judge of its meaning; but be has not done so. He has given a paraphrase of the teaching of Dr. Milner and of Bossuet, perverted in both cases; and he has given an extract from a popular lecture of Cardinal Wiseman which proves nothing for him. If he were anxious, as he should have been, to give his students a correct version of our doctrine, he should have consulted our standard theologians, such as St. Thomas, Suarez, De Lugo, Dr. Murray, Franzelin, or Mazzella; and if he had consulted them, he would find them all flatly contradicting him as to the sense of the ‘boast’ which he attributes to us.

He would find them, and every dogmatic theologian who has written on faith, asking the question whether there is any growth or increase in faith with lapse of time — utrum fides decursu temporis augeatur? Now, the very fact of our theologians putting this question shows that the sense put upon our boast by Dr. Salmon is a false sense, and their answer makes this more clear, and gives the true sense. The invariable answer is that since the Apostolic age there has been no growth, no increase in faith, considered in itself (simpliciter); that the divine deposit of faith remains unchanged and unchangeable; but that there has been a growth, an increase in a qualified sense (secundum quid), limited to the interpretation — the explanation of the divine, unchangeable deposit by the infallible authority of the Church.

St. Thomas says: Articles of faith grew with the lapse of time, not, indeed, as to their substance, but as to their explanation and explicit profession; for what has been explicitly and more fully believed in later times was implicitly and in fewer articles believed by the early fathers [Summa Theologica, 2, 2ae, q. 1, a. vii]. Suarez has this same doctrine stated more at length in his Disp. 2°, s. vi., on Faith, and De Lugo has it in his Disp. 3, s. v. ; Dr. Murray has it Disp. 1, s. iv., n. 55. It is, and always has been, the universal teaching of our theologians. And Dr. Salmon could have read this same doctrine in his own book, for it is distinctly stated in the fourth chapter of the Constitution De Ecclesia of the Vatican Council, which he gives in his Appendix (page 482). The Council says: —

Neither is the doctrine of faith, which God has revealed, put forward like a philosophical system to be improved by human ingenuity; but as a divine deposit given to the Spouse of Christ to be faithfully guarded and infallibly declared . . . therefore, let the understanding, the knowledge, the wisdom of each and all, of every age and time, of each individual, as well as of the entire Church, increase and progress very much; but let the progress be within its own kind only; that is, in the same truth, the same sense, and the same sentiment.

He must have known, therefore, from his own book, what our teaching was when he misrepresented it. The body of doctrines which constitute the divine deposit of faith comprises the revelation made by our Lord to His Apostles during His life on earth, supplemented by the revelation made to them by the Holy Ghost after our Lord’s ascension. With the death of the last of the Apostles, the deposit of faith was completed. Into that deposit, henceforward, no fresh revelation could enter. New revelations may, perhaps, have been made subsequently to individuals; but they form no part of the deposit of faith, and no article of Catholic faith can be grounded on them. The deposit of faith can receive no increase; it can admit of no diminution.

It remains in the custody of the teaching Church, as its infallible guardian, interpreter, and teacher. As its infallible guardian the Church maintains that deposit in all its purity and integrity. She will permit no new doctrine, however true, to enter into it; she will not permit even the smallest portion of it to be lost. Her commission is to guard it faithfully, and under the guidance of the Holy Ghost to interpret it and teach it to us, as times and circumstances demand. From this one source of divine truth all the Church’s teaching comes; and the Holy Ghost is with her assisting her in drawing her teaching from this one source of truth. It is to this complete body of doctrines that our Lord referred when He commissioned His Apostles to teach all that He had commanded them; to it also He referred when He promised to send the Holy Ghost to teach them all things, and to bring to their minds all that He had told them. The Apostles themselves were the first promulgators and teachers of this body of truth. Their commission of teaching passed on to their successors, and shall continue with them till the end of time.

Now, from the very nature of the case, it is clear that the Apostles did not, and could not, put forth all revealed truths, to all men at the same time; there must be some order, some succession in their teaching. And we find quite abundant evidence in the New Testament to convince us that all the truths contained in the deposit of faith were not put forward at first with equal prominence. St. Paul told the Corinthians: — ‘I judged myself not to know anything among you, but Jesus Christ, and Him crucified.’ And he added: ‘Howbeit we speak wisdom amongst the perfect.’ [1 Cor 2:2, 6] Again: ‘And I, brethren, could not speak to you as unto spiritual, but as unto carnal. As unto little ones in Christ. I gave you milk to drink, not meat; for you were not able as yet.’ [1 Cor 3:1-2] And again: ‘For everyone, that is a partaker of milk, is unskilful in the word of justice: for he is a little child. But strong meat is for the perfect; for them who by custom have their senses exercised to the discerning of good and evil’ [Heb 5:13-14].

It is then clear that in communicating religious knowledge the Apostles took into account the circumstances of their hearers, and their capacity for receiving instruction. And the above texts are understood in this sense by the best Protestant commentators— by Dr. Lightfoot, Dr. Ellicott, Dr. Westcott, Dr. Evans, in the Speaker’s Commentary; Alford, Bloomfield, and MacKnight. It must be, then, that the deposit of faith contained doctrines of so sublime a character, that neophytes could not readily take them in; and, at the same time, it is clear that it also contained doctrines so absolutely necessary to know and to believe, that without knowledge and belief of them, no adult could be saved. ‘For he that cometh to God, must believe that He is, and is a rewarder to them that seek Him’ [Heb 11:6]. Such truths are said to be necessary as means of salvation (necessitate medii).

Then there are other truths, the knowledge and belief of which are so necessary for our spiritual well-being that it is our duty to know and to believe them. The necessity of faith in such truths is called the necessity of precept. Now, it is clear that truths of this sort by reason of this necessity should occupy, and did occupy, a more prominent place in Apostolic teaching than the more recondite and speculative truths of faith. Such truths should enter into the public, obligatory profession of faith of the Church ; they were explicitly proposed to the faithful, and explicitly believed by them; while other truths, equally contained in the deposit of faith, were not thus explicitly put forward, and were believed only implicitly. But the Church was to teach all that her Lord commanded her, and this implied the obligation of believing all on the part of the faithful; and they fulfil the obligation by believing explicitly all that is proposed to them by the Church, and in accepting her as a divinely authorized teacher they have implicit belief in all else that is contained in the divine deposit of faith.

Now, in this deposit there are doctrines that are either obscure in themselves, or that have not been prominently set forth, for a time, in the Church’s teaching; and there are doctrines also, apparently clear, and explicitly proposed which, in time, are found to require further explanation. Regarding such doctrines controversies necessarily arise, and the Church, assisted by the Holy Ghost, decides the controversy, and by a new definition, or rather by a new and more explicit statement of an old truth, makes known to her children the divinely revealed truth on the disputed question. Then again, we know how busy Satan is in this world, and how often he succeeds in bringing the vagaries of men’s minds, in various departments of knowledge so called, into conflict with God’s revelation. And when such conflicts arise it is the duty of the Church to ward off error from the faith of which she is the custodian. Thus more explicit statements of revealed, truths become necessary, in order, more clearly, to point out to the faithful where the error lies.

And as difficulties of such kinds are arising in every age of the Church they are to be met in every age by like action on her part. And by such definitions no new truth is announced; a truth, always contained in the deposit of faith, and thus hitherto an object of implicit faith, is by the definition authoritatively proposed to the faithful, and thus enters into their explicit faith — a divinely revealed truth passes from the category of implicit into that of explicit faith. This is the meaning of each new definition of faith by the Church, and the decrees of Councils, and of Popes as well, prove this most conclusively. And the moment the definition is announced the faithful accept it unhesitatingly, and it passes into the public obligatory profession of their faith; controversy ceases, and doubts disappear. And hence it is, that all over the Church there is always one profession of faith, and in that profession all Catholics of every tongue, and tribe, and nation agree with the most absolute unanimity. Just as there is no fear that any doctrine shall be defined that is not already contained in the deposit of faith, so there is no fear that a doctrine once defined shall ever be withdrawn or contradicted — all is harmonious and consistent because infallibly true.

And, were any professing Catholic to refuse to accept a doctrine defined by the Church, he is by the very fact cut off from his communion, and left to herd with the heathen and the publican abroad. We have a divinely appointed teacher, securing to us absolute unity of faith, and we follow her guidance. This is our proud ‘boast,’ or rather our grateful acknowledgment of God’s mercy towards us. But this is not the sense of our ‘boast’ according to Dr. Salmon. According to him our boast ‘was that the teaching of the Church had never varied’; that is, that our explicit faith, the articles of faith defined and obligatory, were always the same, and that no addition could be made to their number, and consequently that no definition of faith could be admitted — a ‘boast’ which no Catholic ever made or could make, for it would be a denial of the mission of the Church. Now, when Dr. Salmon undertook to lecture on ‘Infallibility,’ as held by us, he owed it to his students, at least, to learn himself the doctrine he was training them to refute. If he did so, why has he so greatly misrepresented us? If he did not learn our teaching (and it is charity to him to suppose that he did not), then he was lecturing his students on a subject of which he was himself ignorant, an insult to any self-respecting body of young men.

By all means, let him refute our doctrines, if he can, and let him teach others to do so; but to represent our doctrines as a series of childish absurdities is to act as if he had been lecturing in a lunatic asylum. He fancies that he has an explicit and final condemnation of all new definitions of faith in the celebrated saying of St. Vincent of Lerins — Quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus [“That which is believed everywhere, always, and by all”]. We have been in the past always quoting this, saying, that our teaching has never varied (pages 20, 33, 183). New definitions have, however, completely falsified our boast, and we quote St. Vincent no longer. Now, though Dr. Salmon thinks St. Vincent’s rule a serious difficulty for us he does not appear to expect much advantage from its use himself. He says, ‘it is obvious that this rule can give us no help in a controversy’ (page 270); and in a note he modifies ‘no help’ into ‘little help.’ But whether it ‘gives no help,’ or ‘little help,’ he thinks it useful against us. St. Vincent says that our faith must be what was held ‘everywhere, always, and by all,’ and as this must refer to explicit faith, it excludes all new definitions. This is Dr. Salmon’s case against us, from St. Vincent of Lerins, and it is one of the commonest Protestant objections.

Again Dr. Salmon is misleading his students, and if they had read for themselves the chapter of St. Vincent from which the words are taken, they would have seen that their professor’s inference was groundless. In the second chapter of the Commonitorium St. Vincent says that he had frequently inquired from holy and learned men how he could find some safe general rule to enable him to distinguish Catholic faith from heresy, and the rule he gives is this: In the Catholic Church itself, then, we must take special care to hold what was believed everywhere always, and by all; for this is truly and rightly Catholic.’ The Protestant inference from this is that nothing cam be believed except what was held everywhere, always, and by all, and therefore that there can be no new definition.

But St. Vincent did not say this nor did he mean it. He said that what was held everywhere, always, and by all, was Catholic faith; but he did not say that nothing else was. The fact that a doctrine was thus always universally held showed that it was of Apostolic origin, and therefore of faith, but St. Vincent did not say that a doctrine could not be of Apostolic origin unless it was thus universally held. Had this been his meaning, several truths controverted, and decided before his time, could not have been defined at all. He did not intend by his maxim, therefore, to exclude future definitions of faith, and he has himself taken care to make this clear and indisputable. In forcible and eloquent language he has himself anticipated, and answered, the Protestant objection. In chapter xxxiii. he says : —

But, perhaps some one shall say, shall there then be no progress of religion in the Church of Christ? By all means, let there be, and very much progress. For who is he, so envious to men, so hateful to God, that would try to prohibit this? But let it be a real progress of faith, not a change. It is the character of progress that each thing should grow in itself; but it is the character of change that a thing should pass from one thing into another. It is right, therefore, that the understanding, the knowledge, the wisdom of each and all, of every age and time, of each individual as well as of the entire Church should increase, and progress very much, but each in its own kind only, that is in the same truth, in the same sense and sentiment.

He then goes on to compare the growth of faith in the Church with the growth of the human body, and he shows that just as the grown man is the same as the child, though his limbs have grown and progressed, so, too, is the defined article of faith the same as the truth out of which it has
grown. And he says: —

It is lawful that the original truths of the heavenly philosophy should in the course of time be systematized, explained, illustrated; but it is not lawful that they should be changed, robbed of their meaning, or mutilated. Let them receive evidence, new light, classification; but let them retain their fulness, their integrity, their distinctive character.

And after saying that if one doctrine could be corrupted, all would soon be corrupt, and a shipwreck of faith would follow, he says: —

But the Church of Christ, the careful, watchful guardian of truths entrusted to her, never changes anything in them; never takes anything from them, never adds to them; she cuts away nothing necessary, she adds nothing superfluous; she loses nothing of her own, she takes nothing that is not her own, but with all zeal and care she aims at this one thing, that by faithfully and wisely handling her ancient dogmas she might explain and illustrate whatever was originally obscure and vague, that she might strengthen and confirm what was express and clear, and that she might guard what was already confirmed and defined. Finally, what else has she ever aimed at by the decisions of her Councils, except that what was hitherto simply believed, may henceforth be believed more diligently; that what was hitherto rarely preached may henceforth be preached with greater emphasis; that what was hitherto remissly cultivated may henceforth be cultivated with greater solicitude. This, I say, and nothing else, has the Catholic Church, when assailed by heretical novelties, done by the decrees of her Councils. What she received at first by tradition alone, from those who went before, this she has handed down, even in written documents, giving a great deal of truth in a few words, and very often for clearness’ sake giving a new name to an old truth of faith.

This is Catholic doctrine and practice to the letter, taken literally from a saint who is called up as a witness against both. And St. Vincent gives an instance of a definition which fully and forcibly illustrates the transition of a revealed truth from implicit to explicit faith. In chapter vi. he speaks of the controversy between Pope Stephen and St. Cyprian on the validity of Baptism given by heretics, and alter referring to the writings and disputations on the question he says: —

What then was the result of it all? What surely but the usual, the customary result, the ancient doctrine was retained, the novelty was rejected. And o, wonderful change! the authors of the opinion are accounted Catholics, its followers are heretics; the teachers are acquitted, the disciples are condemned, the writers of the books shall be the children of the kingdom, but hell shall receive the upholders of them.

Thus, then, we have a controversy in which up to the time of its definition Catholics were free to hold either side, but the moment the question was authoritatively settled by the Church, the adherents of the condemned doctrines were heretics. The authors of the writings, such as St. Cyprian and Firmilian, are accounted Catholics because they submitted to the voice of authority; but those who persisted in their opposition to that voice are declared heretics. One would imagine that St. Vincent is writing the history of the Vatican Council, that he has before him the history of the Catholic Church for all the centuries of her life — so accurately, so vividly, does he describe her working in the discharge of her divine commission as guardian and teacher of all revealed truth.

And if Dr. Salmon had read St. Vincent’s Commonitorium, he could not have indulged in his silly charges against the Catholic Church. With a confidence not begotten of knowledge, he quotes glibly four words from the entire book, as if they were to be the epitaph of the Catholic Church; and he poses before his students as a fountain of Patristic lore, though his book is a monument to his ignorance of the fathers, and nowhere is the ignorance less excusable than in his reference to St. Vincent of Lerins. What, then, becomes of his charges against us of ‘new doctrines,’ of changing faith? The charges are groundless: the whole life and action of the Church brands them as false, the Church is only doing now what she was doing in the days of St. Vincent of Lerins, what she shall continue to do till the end of time; fulfilling her office as guardian of revelation by condemning errors, and faithfully discharging her teaching office by the promulgation and explanation of all revealed truth.

And the ‘proud boast,’ attributed to us by Dr. Salmon, we have never made at all, and therefore have never retracted. The ‘boast’ we did make, and do make, has been traced down from St. Vincent to the Vatican Council, and it is the same all along the line; and there is nothing in Dr. Salmon’s lectures by which it can be in the slightest degree imperiled. His arguments against us are in reality arguments against his own reputation for learning and prudence. He should have taken the advice of the ‘judicious Hooker’[:]

Being persuaded of nothing more than this, that whether it be in matters of speculation or of practising, no untruth can possibly avail the patron, and defender long, and that things most truly are likewise most behovefully said.

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Photo credit: George Salmon, from Cassell’s universal portrait gallery: no later than 1895 [public domain / Wikimedia Commons]
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Summary: Jeremiah Murphy, D.D. made a devastating reply to anti-Catholic George Salmon’s rantings in a multi-part review in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record in 1901-1902.

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